Pearson Nkhoma

When The President Strips Girls on Public

2012-01-31T12:53:00.000-08:00

http://www.nyasatimes.com/malawi/2012/01/31/malawi-president-mutharika-%e2%80%98strips%e2%80%99-women-in-public-don%e2%80%99t-blame-vendors/?cp=all

Welcome Back

2011-01-11T01:15:00.001-08:00

Its been a long time since i posted something here. Now I am back

www.redrosemodeling.com

2011-01-11T01:07:00.000-08:00

RedRose Models donate to an orphanage

ON FIFA WORLD PLAYER

2007-12-18T00:43:00.000-08:00

Considering the importance of goalkeapers and deffenders, I would argue that
I would argue that they are also considered. It is a tradition that strikers win this award. This might be because that they score winning goals for their teams. Yet we know that there have appeared keepers who have been superb between those two post. One of such keepers are Lehmahn of Arsenal. He was superb in the past World Cup. He assisted his team to the finalist. He also assited arsenal the 2006 season. The former Columbia keeper known for his acrobatic is also great.

This would be incomplete if I don’t mention my keeper, Cech. He has been marvellous. He deserves that award.

Similarly, defenders need also to be considered. We should not just see how many goals a player has. But his overall performance. This is my plea to those who are given the honour to vote.

THE PRACTICALITY OF OVERARCHING DEVELOPMENT STRATEGIES IN ADDRESSING DEVELOPMENT CHALLENGES: CRITICAL LESSONS FROM PAST EXPERIENCES...

2007-12-06T10:20:00.000-08:00

THE PRACTICALITY OF OVERARCHING DEVELOPMENT STRATEGIES IN ADDRESSING DEVELOPMENT CHALLENGES: CRITICAL LESSONS FROM PAST EXPERIENCES AND THE CASE OF THE MALAWI GROWTH AND DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY (MGDS

By Wongani Mugaba and Pearson Nkhoma

ABSTRACT

Malawi is one of the poorest countries in the world despite many development strategies having been championed ever since colonial times either by the government or by other numerous development partners. Efforts to formulate policies and programmes with the aim of combating gravitating development challenges like poverty, illiteracy and unfair trade among others, have been made and keep mushrooming. However, with all these efforts, the economic and poverty status of Malawi persists in the doldrums. Malawi now ranks among the 10 most impoverished countries worldwide.

Currently, the Malawi Growth and Development Strategy (MGDS), coming from an era of implementing the Malawi Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper(MPRSP), is one of such mainstream policies which the current government has put in place to address the country’s development challenges. The policy aims at guiding governmental undertakings while other stakeholders are expected to compliment their efforts by aligning and harmonizing their programmes and activities inline with the priorities the MGDS sets out. However, with these past experiences, can the MGDS defy the odds and register excellent positive results?

It is in this line of thought that it is instructive to assess the MGDS in context of previous efforts to gauge whether it will make any sustainable difference or not. Apart from the fact that overall policies are too general and have rarely been implemented to the brim to match their stipulated period, such policies face a critical defect as they are not legally binding that development agencies and even government have ended up ignoring them. The paper will therefore also appraise some factors which made past strategies fail to yield sustainable results. The paper will also outline prospective challenges for the MGDS. The assessment will mainly rely on literature reviews but we will also conduct some field interviews with some key stakeholders regarding the status and practicality of the MGDS in addressing the development challenges which past strategies have failed to eradicate.

ABOUT THE AUTHORS:

Academic Background

All the authors are Third Year students at Chancellor College pursuing Bachelor of Arts (Media for Development Communication) studies. Their focus of study include; Development, media and journalism, human rights, advocacy and communication for Development.

Research Background
The authors are upcoming researchers who presented a paper at the “2007 National Language Symposium” by the University of Malawi’s Centre of Language Studies titled, The Role of Local Languages in Achieving Socio-Economic Development: A Critical Analysis on how Usage of Local Languages in Development Strategies and Development Fora can Accelerate Development and Attainment of the MDG’S in Malawi?

They are also freelance writers for National print media, the Sunday Times and Malawi News and have published articles in areas to do with national development.

TRACKING THE MDGs IN MALAWI: A CRITICAL ASSESSMENT ON WHETHER MALAWI IS ON TRACK TO ACHIEVE THE MDGS BY 2015?

2007-12-06T09:23:00.000-08:00

By Pearson Nkhoma , Wongani Mugaba and Eunice Shame

ABSTRACT

Malawi seems to have come full circle to a position of development from time immemorial. The country has so far adopted many development policies and plans since colonial era with an attempt to address different dimensions of development challenges. One such development strategies are the International Development Goals, set up in 1996, which Malawi, together with 188 other countries adopted in September 2000 at the UN Millennium Summit as the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) with a target of halving most development challenges like extreme poverty by 2015. The MDGs comprise of 8 goals, 18 targets and 48 indicators and are time bound for making real progress by 2015.

However, we are now almost half way through and there have been many outcries if the country is on track or not. It is in this light that this paper attempts to assess, review and evaluate the performance of the country towards achieving the MDGs by 2015. It summarizes the progress of the country with an aim of providing a clearer understanding of the constraints Malawi is facing on attaining the goals. The paper will also attempt to appraise if the quest and attainment of the MDGs by 2015 will eradicate all development challenges.

Key Words: MDGs, MPRSP, Economic Development, Sustainable Development, and Participation

About the Authors:

All the authors are Third Year students at Chancellor College pursuing Bachelor of Arts (Media for Development Communication) studies. Their focus of study include; Development, media and journalism, human right, advocacy and communication for Development. They are also freelance writers for National media houses like Sunday Times and Malawi News.

Note: This paper has been written by three paper. It is not my article alone.

FOR MY MOTHER

2007-11-04T07:35:00.000-08:00

Mother Malawi,
To you I am still a kid, but I am old to know
There is no place like home
where I dont feel alone,

I remember playing on the flow, the days you tought me to walk,
Tolerance, and to love, with devotion, straight to the core
those are the memories I cherish like the dawn.

Now all that warm heart is long gone,
people have turned into lords of political wars,
where it is a crime to give each other a chance,
a chance to be heard and loved,
Wish I knew.... just what the tumoil is all about,
except for their personal gains,
this is exactly what I am not told.

What is left of us is the skin, which we are identified with,
Malawian;s dignity is long lost,
a cry for forgiveness to my mother called Malawi

Your son.

NATIONAL BUDGETS AND THEIR USES: A CASE OF MALAWI

2007-11-04T07:08:00.000-08:00

Raj (1965) in his article, National Budgets and their Uses, argues that national budgets decision making process tries to “get solution that is economically satisfactory as well as politically acceptable”. This essay analyses this argument by critically reviewing Malawi’s economy trends during the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) era of Kamuzu Banda and United Democratic Front (UDF) era of Bakili Muluzi. The essay is divided into five parts. It will begin by giving a theoretical general overview of the concept of national budget. Thereafter, in the second section, the essay will provide Malawi’s economic history before independence which continued to shape the economic decisions that were made during MCP’s era. With this background, the third section looks at MCP’s era before doing the same with UDF’s era in the fourth part to see aspects that guided the national budget decisions. Lastly, the essay provides some concluding remarks which will validate Raj’s argument.

Before exploring Raj’s argument further, this section provides a theoretical overview of the concept, national budget. National budget is simply a statement of the income that is likely to be available to a country over a year (Raj, 1962). The sources from a national budget are expected to accrue the likely magnitude and composition of the total expenditure over time. It differs with any other budget as it relates to the entire country and not just to a constituent part of it (ibid). Raj (1965) also states that national budget “covers the income and expenditure of all the income receiving and spending units in a country. The national budget takes an overall view of the economic activity of a country and more particularly to determine whether there is a balance between the resources available for its use in a given year and the demand for them (ibid). National budgets help in detecting the possibility of imbalances developing in the economy and in working out ways of correcting them. National budget deficits lead to inflation and high interest rates among others (see Ndovi, 2000; Raj, 1965).

There are so many purposes of national budgets, but this essay just outlines the many ones. National budgets takes an overall view of the economic activity of a country (Raj, 1965). More particularly, it helps to determine whether there is a balance between the resources available for its use in a given year and the demand for them. National budgets also help to detect the possibility of imbalances developing in the national economy like inflationary pressures and unemployment, as well as working out ways of correcting them (ibid. see also Ndovi, 2000).

Additionally, Raj (1965) also outlines some implications in adopting national budgets. Firstly, he asserts that it should be possible for national budgets to estimate quantitatively, the main constituents of demand and supply of resources in the economy concerned. Furthermore, it has to have a certain statistical foundation i.e. data on expenditure and consumption requirements should ably be available. All in all, demand and supply provide theoretical basis of national budgeting. They guide use of resources allocated in the national budget without creating imbalances (see Raj, 1965). But above all, for budgets to be adopted by policy makers, it should address some political interests as well. This is because policy makers are politicians from different political backgrounds who would want their thematic areas addressed.

To have a thorough and analytical knowledge of the two eras, it is worthy to have a brief economic history of the country before attainment of independence. This is because any attempt to fully understand the current economic problems in Malawi, has to be situated within the overall history of the country’s economy not only from independence but also from colonial era. This will also assist with the realization that the potential economic avenues can be achieved if the economy is placed in the proper historical concepts (Harrigan, 2001).

Before independence, this section looks at the economy of Malawi through two stages, pre-colonial and colonial era. On the first hand, during colonial period, people focused much on pastoralism, hunting and gathering as well as exchange and slave trades (Tindall, 1967; Mulwafu, 2004). This era is characterized with trade in human beings (slave trade) as well as some other materials like jewels and agricultural products which were traded on domestic markets (see Mulwafu, 2004). In the late 1890s, Malawi, then Nyasaland, was declared the British Protectorate by the white Scottish settlers in fear of the Portuguese (ibid).

Declaration of Nyasaland as a British Protectorate marked the beginning of the colonial era. The establishment of colonial rule, as Mulwafu (2004) critically observes, “transformed an important element in the economy of Malawi”. A mark economy emerged from what was predominantly a subsistence economy. The colonial Commissioner, Sir Harry Johnson, decided that Nyasaland’s economic future laid in the hands of Europeans which could be achieved through agriculture. The future of the territory rested in the development of agriculture through the white settlers (Vail, 1984; Mulwafu, 2004). African participation was limited to the production of food crops and the sale of their labor to the European owned plantations. However, even though the peasant agriculture constituted a vital sector of colonial economy, it received little official encouragement. Only European farmers were favored in such that policies were put in place to support the European settlers (Vail, 1984; Mulwafu, 2004). They acquired large tracks of land and introduced hut tax on people who found themselves in the white settler’s lands (ibid). Those who were unable to pay the hut tax, offered labor in the form of thangata.

Several developments took place during the colonial era. These include among other things, creation of the estate sector, migration labor sector and development of peasant sector (Mulwafu, 2004). The economic structure during the colonial era were thus divided into three sectors. The first is estate/plantation sector which grew tea, coffee and tobacco among other cash crops. The second was African peasant sector which involved in production of maize, tobacco and ground nuts. This was growing in the lower Shire and was highly oppressed by the colonialists (Mulwafu, 2004). The last sector is the migration of labor. Labor migration developed in such that people emigrated to South Africa and other neighboring countries to seek employment. Recruitment to RSA remained an important economic aspects of Malawi (Mulwafu, 2004; Vail, 1984). Emigration, was in fact, a sort of brain drain of that time . Like any sort of brain drain, labor emigration resulted into labor crisis in the agricultural sector which led into agricultural crisis (Mulwafu, 2004). Labor crisis was, however, rescued by the Lomwe refugee immigrants from Mozambique in the 1900 (ibid). The Lomwe sustained the agricultural sector because they provided reliable and very cheap labor force in the form of thengata . From above, it can be inferred that the economic structure during the colonial era was divided into three categories. Agriculture remained the single most economic structure while no industrialization had taken place (Mulwafu, 2004). In summary, the colonial era developed three economic sectors; estate/plantation sector, labor migration and peasant sector. At the close of the colonial period, Malawian economy was still characterized by these three sector.

Since the above sectors seemed to remain the greatest economic sectors, when Dr. H. K. Banda’s government came into power, the sectors were adopted with some improvements. As a result, Malawi’s economy after independence, continued to be characterized by structural continuities from the colonial era (Vail, 1984; Mulwafu, 2004; Chirwa, 1996). But during the periods of transition from 1955 to 1964, just as Banda et al (1998) rightfully observe, high expectations were raised among the local masses for improvement of their living standards and peasant sector was highly encouraged. This was because the colonial era focused much on the whites planters on whom the economy seemed to rest (see Mulwafu, 2004).

Banda’s era of economic performance is usually divided into two periods. The period before 1979, and that after 1980. In the first period, with its new independence in 1964, the Banda regime initiated a set of new policies in pursuit of economic growth. The frame work which reflected Banda’s objectives can be categorized into five parts: vigorous pursuit of economic development, prioritization of agriculture, maintenance of a reliable exchange rate, suppression of trade unions and promotion of foreign as well as domestic investment; and delayed Africanization in the civil service (Roberts, 1970; Vail, 1984; Mulwafu, 2004; Kishindo, 1997). With these thematic areas of focus, Kishindo (1997) states that Government of Malawi (GoM) had sought to achieve rapid socio-economic development to justify political struggle. As a result, soon after coming into power, the government produced its first five year plan (1964-69). The plan set out four development foci area which are expansion of agriculture provision of internal communication, great expansion of facilities and stimulation of private sector of the economy by encouraging industrial development.

Almost all accounts of the country’s economy, as asserted earlier on in the essay, acknowledge the fact that Banda’s era can be divided into two phase. This section analyses the two periods of the economic state in Malawi from independence to Muluzi era. The first period of Banda (1964-1979) is identified as the phase of prosperity (Chinsinga, 2007; Harrigan, 2001; Chipeta, 1992; Mhone, 1992; Vail, 1984; Kalemba, 1997). All the country’s economic sectors registered significant growth rate and enjoyed relatively favorable balance of payment positions (Chinsinga, 2002). Savings as proportion of GDP rose from 0.3 % in 1964 to 19.7% in 1979 while industrial output expanded at the rate of 10% per annum. Economically, the country achieved a 7% annual growth rate (see Kishindo, 2002; Vail, 1984). Scholars observe that this impressive growth was achieved because of good agricultural performance in such that agriculture was prioritized. Decisions were made that the budgets allocated a good number of resources to the sector. The economy was predominantly agro-based with high priority placed on development of the sector (Harrigan, 2001). Chinsinga (2002) also adds that in this era there were a number of agrarian policies emerging and that policies in related economic spheres were deliberately designed to serve the agro-sector. National Budgets were thus adopted based on their priority to serve this sector in all aspects. It is in fact, not surprising that the two ten-year Statements of Development Policies clearly emphasized agriculture as a potential source of revenue that would eventually lead to financial autonomy in other sectors (Harrigan, 2001). From this explanation, national budgets were satisfactory because they address the political decisions to prioritize the agricultural sector.

The second period of Dr Banda run from 1980 to 1993. During this period, almost every sector experienced tremendous decline hence the macro-economic trends began falling apart quite sharply from 1980 (Chinsinga, 2002; Chipeta, 2004; Harrigan, 2001; Chipeta, 1992; Chinsinga, 2007). Growth rate in this period ultimately became negative from GDP of 0.4 % in 1980 to an average of about –5..2% in 1981(ibid). This was partial because the policies formulated like the national budgets were made to address a mono-culture of economy which is agriculture (ibid). During the same period, Banda’s government made a deadly decision which still affects the economy of the country up to this time. In a bid to the lost economic glory, Malawi since 1981, adopted the Structural Adjustment Programs by the World Bank and the IMF (Chinsinga, 2002). This follows that national budgets were changed to prioritize the thematic areas in SAPs. The SAPs, according to several reviews have led to heavy economical and social burdens to this era (see Tsoka, 2004; Chinsinga, 2002; Harrigan, 2001).

All in all, politics played a very important role in the economic outcome of Banda’s government. Since Banda was authoritarian, economic decisions like adoption of the national budgets were to agree to Banda’s decision. He even said it that he was responsible for every decision made in the country [whether economic or not] (see Lwanda, 1993). As a result national budgets were developed to address economic problems that were in line with his political ideologies and choices. This is what guided adoption of national budgets. Anything that opposed his decisions was not to be adopted . Economic decisions were politically centralized. Economic decisions made were thus meant to be politically impressive. This follows that when the political decisions were impressive, the national budgeting allocation yielded effective results. From this, Lwanda (1993) rightfully affirms that Banda followed what is called individualism.

Banda’s one party era ended in 1994, when Malawians voted for multiparty democracy during the 1993 referendum. In 1994, Malawi voted a democratic government of Bakili Muluzi. After the ousting of Banda’s one party regime, there has been a remarkable structural shift from Agriculture to commerce as the desired hub of economic growth and development (Chinsinga, 2002). The country’s economic policy stimulated entrepreneurship. However, this decision was hit by privatization policy under the SAPs which was adopted by Banda in the 1980s. It can rightly be argued therefore that Muluzi’s economic problems were some inherited at democratization in 1994. These continued to shape the nature and direction of the country’s economy. Malawi’s economic performance was thus a product of political history.

Furthermore, during the Muluzi era, the operative development philosophy of Muluzi’s administration since was the Poverty Alleviation Program. Its underlying vision was every Malawian should have access to basic necessities in order to develop and exploit their potential to lead a productive dignified and creative life through social, economic and political empowerment (Tsoka, 2004). The political decisions resulted into a dramatic increase in the allocation of resources towards the social sectors in the fiscal year 1994/95. However, with the decision to adopt the SAPs subsidies were removed. This resulted into the increment of agricultural inputs to rise, hence less production. The national budgets, when adopted ,made sure it was reducing the allocation to social and subsidy programs (see Nthara, 2003). This, plus other forms of SAPs adopted during the one party era and continued implemented in the Banda era, resulted into poor economic performance (ibid; see also Hajat, 2007). However, Muluzi’s era, when adopting the budget, there were heavily in favor of the ruling UDF party. There are also cases where Muluzi was criticized of buying opposition MPs to make national budgets politically satisfactory.

Harrigan (2001) observe that Muluzi’s government clearly distinguished itself from the previous regime by placing poverty reduction at the center of policy formulation. However, in the era, the country had a struggle to isolate the budget from political pressures (ibid). Muluzi’s political choices of membership to strategies were heavily in favor of the ruling UDF party. The dominance dictated the directional of the proceedings and content of the national budget (ibid). this follows that, like in the Banda’s era before it, the political agenda was not ruled out in national budgets. Budgets were supposed to address some aspects of political interests apart from the usual economic interests that budget aim to address.

In all the eras, there was great attachment of between politics and budgeting on the one hand and performance on the other. as from this essay, it is imperative to argue that Raj’s argument that national budget tries to get a decision that is both politically and economically satisfactory. Chinsinga (2007) rightly asserts that policy making [like budgets] depends very much on the rules, norms and procedures of the country’s particular political system. There was no separation in all the eras between decisions for the parties and those for economy of the nation. When policy makers adopt budgets, it means they have reached a consensus that the budgets are politically satisfactory apart from the economic aspects the budgets intend to address. Just like parliamentary democratic nations, debates on budgets in parliament intend to make sure that, apart from the economic aspects to be addressed, some politically interests are also addressed (Raj, 1965).

In conclusion, this essay has tried to analyze Raj’s argument that national budgets need to be both economically and satisfactory. The essay has taken a stand that this argument is valid, based on some cases given in the essay. It has shown that since Banda’s era was authoritarian, all economic decisions including national budgets were supposed to agree to his ideas. Thus, national budgets were adopted by the MCP MPs following this trend. During Muluzi’s era, the essay also indicates that debates that were done in parliament were to make sure that economical and political aspects were balanced up.

REFERENCE
Chinsinga, B. (2007) Public Policy Making. In Patel, N. & L. Svasand (eds) Government and Politics in
Malawi, Zomba: Kachere Books

Chinsinga, B (2002) the Politics of Poverty Alleviation in Malawi: A Critical Review. In
Englund, H. (ed) A Democracy of Chameleons: Politics and Culture in New Malawi, Uppsala: Nordiska Afrika Institutet

Chipeta, C. (1992) Economic Policy Framework. In Mhone, G. (ed) Malawi at the
Crossroads: The Post-Colonial Political Economy, Harare: SAPES Trust. pp 90-134.

Chipeta, C. (2004) Explaining Malawi’s Long-Term Economic Growth. In Malawi Journal of Social
Sciences. Vol.18pp50-69

Chirwa, C. W. (1996) The Malawi Government and South African Labor Recruiters, 1974-92. In The
Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol.34, No. 4. pp 623-642.

Chiume, K. (1982) Autobiography of Kanyama Chiume, London: Panaf

Dei, G. S & A. Asgharzadeh (2002) What is to be done? A Look at some Causes and Consequences of
the African Brain Drain. In African Issues. Vol. XXX/1pp3136

Harrigan, J. (2001) From Dictatorship to Democracy: Economic Policy in Malawi 1964-2000.
Aldershot: Ashgate.

Kalemba, P. (1997) Anti-Poverty Policies in Malawi: A Critique. In Chilowa, W. (ed) Bwalo: A Forum
for Social Development, Issue 1, Zomba: Centre for Social Research.

Kishindo, P. (1997) Malawi’s Social Development Policies: A Historical Review. In Chilowa, W. (ed)
Bwalo: A Forum for Social Development, Issue 1, Zomba: Centre for Social Research.

Lwanda, J. (1993) Kamuzu Banda of Malawi: A Study in Promise, Power and Paralysis (Malawi under
Dr Banda 1961-1993). Glasgow: Dudu Nsomba Publications

Mhone, G. (1992) The Political Economy of Malawi: An Overview. In Mhone, G. (ed) Malawi at the
Crossroads: The Post-Colonial Political Economy, Harare: SAPES Trust. pp 90-134.

Mulwafu, W. O (2004) Transformation in Malawi’s Agricultural Economy: Prospects and Problems for
Capitalist Development. In Malawi Journal of Social Sciences, vol. 18pp34-49.

Ndovi, V. (2000) Budget Analysis. In The Lamp, No.25

Nthara, K. (2003) Malawi’s Economic Development Since 1994: In Immrink, B et al (eds) From
Freedom to Empowerment: Ten Years of Democratization in Malawi, Lilongwe: Forum for Dialogue and Peace. pp107-120.

Raj, K. N. (1965) National Budgets and Their Uses. In Jackson, E. F. (ed) Economic Development in
Africa¸ Oxford: Basil Blackwell

Roberts, B (1970) Malawi Progress and Problems since Independence. In African Affairs, Vol. 69. No.
274pp60-64

Ross, A. (1997) Some reflections on the Cabinet Crisis 1964-1965. In Religion in Malawi, No. 7.
November.

Tindall, P. E. N. (1967)History of Central Africa, London: Longmans Green and Co. LTD.

Tsoka, M. (2004) Assessment of the PRSPs: Can the Malawi PRSP Reduce Poverty this Time around?
Zomba: Centre for Social Research.

Vail, L. (1984) Peasants, Migrants, and Plantations: A Study of the Growth of Malawi’s Economy. In
Journal of Social Science, Vol.11pp1-36

Malawi National Examination Board Must Cancel Form 4 Exams At One for All

2007-10-27T03:11:00.000-07:00

The allegations that Form 4 exams are undergoing high leakage can not go uncommented. If the reports and witnesses paraded and carried in the national papers are anything to go by, it is high time that the government cancels the exams one and for all.

Latest reports in yesterday papers clearly remove all the doubts that the exams were indeed leaked. However, what MANEB officials are stating would not be wrong to assume that some high officials are involved in the leaking of the exams. They are too much deffensive yet The Daily Times indicate they have a bunch of witnesses which i beklieve they can parade in the court of law for the national good. Exams under such leakage will eventually lower the standards of education because only those who have the money to buy the papers on black markets will stand to benefit. This will result into students not working hard as they will be assured that their parents will eventually buy the papers for them to memorize during exams.

The general public also needs to be warned about such exams malpractice. When the papers turn to be fake, their children will fail because they will have memorized the bought papers and not prepared for anything else. Furthermore, when exams are not leaked, their sons and daughters will also loose out.

All in all, in the current developments, the poor student stands to loose in many cases. He would have worked hard, burning paraffin driven-lamps but will not be able to pass above the student who had the paper at his/her disposal. Furthermore, the poor student will be psychologically affected as he /she will think she will fail the exams because others have managed to buy the paper. As a result, the intelligent will not pass with impressive grades. Those who pass with impressive grades will do so because their parents managed to buy the papers. No wonder, there are many cases of MSCE students passing with 6 points or grades below 10 points most of which come from the well to do families. What will be the impression? Their parents bought them the examination papers.

This leakage should also be a stand up call for the ACB to tighten its teeth to this palastatals and see how the leakage is done order to avoid future cases. All the culprits need to be brought to book. This also signals that University entrance exams need not to be removed as some policy makers have argued because only the cream from MSCE will be sieved through to the university.

ABSTRACT-: The Role of Malawian Languages in Achieving Socio-economic Development

2007-10-27T03:01:00.000-07:00

The role of Malawian languages in achieving socio-economic development: Can Translation of development strategies into Chichewa and Other Local Languages Accelerate Development and attainment of the MDGs in Malawi?

Pearson Nkhoma and Wongani Mugaba .

Malawi ranks among the 10 most impoverished countries worldwide despite implementing many development programmes since gaining political autonomy in 1964. The persisting under-development is accredited to many factors like deteriorating and unfair trade, corruption and poor economic governance among others. However, recent publications show that lack of people’s participation in development projects that affect them and inadequacies in communication in such projects is the root cause of underdevelopment and persisting poverty.

Participation of targeted beneficiaries is thus an important aspect in socio-economic development. However no meaningful participation at any development stage can be achieved if the language used by development experts is both alien to the project beneficiaries. Firstly, the use foreign languages complicates development projects because a majority of ordinary people are illiterate and thus cannot make meaningful negotiations in development of their own despite possessing vast indigenous ideas, knowledge, experience and values capable to develop their communities different from those of development experts. Ironically, most development workers in Malawi also lack skills such as good command for local languages to understand and involve the people in the development process. Language being used has therefore become a communication barrier for the country to attain sustainable development.

Secondly all development strategies and policies that the country implements like the Malawi Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper, Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), and Malawi Growth and Development Strategy have failed or are subject to fail because they are not localised. In other words, the strategies are in a language which is not accessible by the majority of the Malawian populace who stand to benefit.

Finally the participation of the MPs in parliament is limited because of the use of English. Most of the MPs lack the necessary competencies to express themselves in English on matters of national development. It is therefore suggested that the use of vernacular languages be permitted and used in development circles.

The paper therefore seeks to assess the role that local languages can play in addressing the poverty situation and promotion of sustainable development in the country. The paper will also assess whether translating current overarching developmental strategies like the Malawi Growth and Development Strategy (MGDS) and MDGs into local languages is a critical path to their success. In particular, the paper will highlight how Theatre for Development (TFD) which uses local languages of a particular area has documented successful stories in the country. All in all, this paper will try to show that African languages, Malawian in particular, constitute an irreplaceable tool for socio-economic development.

TuKombo Youth in Development

2007-09-17T02:06:00.001-07:00

Read more....http://wwww.freewebs.com/developtukombo

OF SHIRE BUS LINEAS AND ANOTHER BUS LINES

2007-06-12T12:21:00.000-07:00

It is no longer a rumour that the operation of the Shire Bus lines are not only on the dead end, but also a big blow to the country’s craving to improve its tourism industry. Frankly speaking transport is an important catalyst if development is to be enhanced. But for this to be achieved having a good public service provider, is a must. In this case, Shire bus line can be alluded to as an example that can help not only the very poor but development of the nation as a whole. But it is a pity that instead of having a bus line that is vibrant, boarding which tourists can have a good feel of how friendly Malawians are the reality is that it is staggering to achieve its role.

Government upon realizing that the once Stage Coach turned Shire bus lines is facing lots of tribulations thought aloud that the company should be dissolved. Government looks at Shire bus lines as not bringing government the much needed revenue. It believes the idea will not only be good, but will as well bring efficiency in the operations of the company. From this one can deduce that the government deems a new blood will revamp the company so much that the company’s networks will spread even beyond those areas that the company reached in the 1990s.

On the same, reports are making rounds that in the current state, each bus has 20 workers. Though not sure how they work, one thing is clear, it is said that the number of workers is too much as such they want the number to be reduced. In so doing the result will be effective operation of the mother bus line. But the question that is rather a conundrum instantly sprouts is, “are the workers responsible for the inefficiency of the company?” By workers in this case are those of lower ranks, though the demarcation is a problem. Were they just employing people without considering the number of workers?

In short, by looking at the whole debate, it can easily be deduced that some individuals on top, not the ones that are to face the fury of retrenchment are largely responsible for the whole mess that government thinks can be buried by dissolving the company.

Without mincing words, before 2000 a number of buses operating and reaching far areas were numerous, but now it is sad, so to say, that many areas now do not see these buses, not that the roads are pathetic, but for the reasons only the management can fully explain.

However a number of buses are grounded, which to some degree can be attributed to
negligence by those responsible. This lucidly translates that the number of buses
operating was decreasing culminating in more workers on each bus. As such to start
retrenching those below, though it sounds unadulterated, is outlandish in all senses of
human intellectual capacity.

Though some people were demanding to have a commission of inquiry, if history is
anything to go by, that will not provide the solution, nor will it move even an inch
towards addressing the problem. In Malawi many inquiries have been conducted but only
a handful of them had their findings revealed to the public.

Further, for one to argue that the minibuses offer an alternative to the now, almost half-white elephant entity in the guise of Shire bus lines can as well not provide a panacea to the enigma at hand. The minibus’ number has alarmingly shot because of Shire bus lines’ inability to provide services to many corners of Malawi . Of course it is undeniable fact that since the new millennium the company has involved itself in a handful of accidents, but that does not suffice for the company to be substituted with these minibuses, a majority of which is not road worthy in the truest norms of the road use. The minibuses cannot, therefore, be trusted in any way; in fact they are to some level a scary to the tourism hence becoming an impediment towards attaining development.

Looking at the Shire bus lines issue, dissolving the company will not be finding the
solution to the puzzle at hand, rather it will just be a suppression of the problem which
will resurface in the years to come. The mere changing of the names from Stage Coach to
Shire bus line, now on the verge of masking a new name, exhibits volumes pertaining to
the problems that bus companies face in the country. The reasons will remain the same,
though names can be changed now and again.

The restructuring of the whole management of the Shire bus lines is a must, not that it
Will be a final solution, at least will give the first step towards finding the answer. As of
Now the workers’ side of the story has not been heard, whilst at the same time being
convinced beyond doubt by those in the management that the majority of those below
should go. As Paulo Freire, a scholar from Brazil who was on the forefront in Liberatory
Education where dialogue is seen as a catalyst towards reaching a consensus to reach a
Compromise to a problem said, it is only through dialogue that a clear solution where all
parties involved in the affair should be involved can be found.

ECONOMIC PARTNERSHIP AGREEMENTS CALLS BY EU WITH ACP ANOTHER RHETORIC IN THE OFFING

2007-06-12T12:12:00.000-07:00

The Media is now awash with stories of the on going calls for the negotiation aimed at the creation of the Free Trade Area between the European Union (EU) and the African Caribbean Pacific (ACP) nations, with the former on the forefront. With the expiry of the Lome and Cotonou agreements the two groupings are negotiating to have a framework of economic relationship. On basis of the past agreements the ACP countries have had access for their goods to the EU market on non- reciprocal basis.

But now it seems the winds have changed direction. The EU is negotiating with African countries so that they should have an Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) are aimed at having both parties benefiting. In this regard the ACP countries, to which Malawi is a member country, are supposed to open up their economies so that Europeans goods should have a fair access to ACP markets.

The European Union is saying that the EPA will strengthen local markets as a result trade will boom. This is seen as a catalyst that will assist facilitate local trade and make the region more attractive for investment. One can therefore argue that the Direct Investment Flow will propel to the heights ever thought. On surface one can be convinced that the EU has the interests of the poor countries at heart, but digging deeper the whole issue, with the past experience speaking volumes and the recent revelation of the Reports in disagreements with the whole arrangement, the cooperation that EU is trying to bring has more harm than sweet that their rhetoric, filling the air in the process, can bring.

In fact the ACP countries have been divided into 6 small groups for negotiation, possibly according to the way the regional bodies are.

When it was revealed that that Malawi and other least developed nations under the umbrella body of the ACP will record the alarming levels of unemployment if they agree with the new global European Commission, the latter dismissed the fears. It is being pointed out that if it comes to effect in January 2008, Malawi and other ACP countries will grant 85% free access of products from Europe with the hope that European countries will follow suit.

According to the 12 paged Nairobi Oxfam International titled, Unequal Partners: How EU-African Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) EPA Could Harm Development Prospects of Many of the World’s Poorest Countries, Oxfam believes the EU is the clear beneficiary in the whole issue. As Oxfam’s Report quoted in the Nation early last month says: “On paper it shows Africa’s average cut on tariffs is lower than EU, but in reality, when one computes figures using complicated Swiss Formula, Malawi will open its market about 70% while Europe will have opened theirs by 25%.”

If they can say that the trade barriers will be eased, but with Oxfam’s revelation one is stopped to think further; which means the imbalance levels of trade will still be there. In fact history has it that EU’s history, despite funding different activities, has been detrimental on issues of economies. This is manifested in the way EU market is governed. The EU countries determine prices of the poor countries, whose exports are but primary products.

The problem that is rather an enigma is that even when the EU opens up the barriers, their tendency of subsidizing their products visually makes the products from Africa to have low likelihood of selling, as products from the EU are cheaper resulting in countries like Malawi fall short stand to the heat.

The agreements will also be a graveyard for most industries in third world countries that are national, which it is doubtful if they can compete with multinationals, so are the poor farmers.

“The majority of farmers in Malawi are very poor. It is ridiculous to expect them to compete with imports produced on large, heavily subsidized farms in rich countries, but this is what international rules and practices are frequently making them do,” Mavuto Bamusi was once quoted in Press.

In the same way, the 2004 statistics of the shares of the World Trade shows it was weighing against poor countries. For example, United States commanded 12.4%, EU had 31.2%, Asia was having 9.9%, and on the base Africa had 1.9% as released by Standard Bank of South Africa. By combining the shares that Africa had and Asia, where most members of ACP are, one will be able to see the great disparities that are there in World Trade.

This agreement will have a major democratic implication for the countries involved. In other words, it will change the focus from political and social standards at the expense of trade and economies. At this point, it will have an adverse impact on essential goods and services since it will be more of capitalistic approach, with government having no control.

It is a blunt truth that for long time Malawi as a market has been reduced to a mere dumping ground, where numerous goods, most of them not certified from poles apart countries and companies have been flooding market, there by making local products expensive. As Moore writes in Regional Integration and Regional Governance Under the New African Initiatives: A Critical appraisal (2004), “in global political economy it has always been suggested that the West has far less to gain from African solidarity and as such has done all in its power to impede it.” In this respect it suffice to say that the whole issue of EU-ACP marriage will only lead to demise of many regional blocs like SADC, COMESA, ECOWAS that are in poor countries.

Though the relationship of EU-South Africa trade deal can be pointed at as a positive gesture emanating from Brussels, one only wonders why they started with South African not Rwanda. May be because the country has resources? Or is it indeed one of those ways of trying to bring SADC to it’s kneels since many people believe South Africa holds the key to SADC’s success. It is reported that South Africa- EU agreement contains that South Africa will liberalize 86 percent of its imports over a 12 year period, while the EU will open its market up to 95 percent. According Oxfam this is seen as “offering to some groupings.” And dividing of ACP countries into 6 categories does not help matters either. This might create a scenario where the levels of opening up varying because regions do face different problems. Such being the case some of the countries might be alienated whilst others may be favored like South Africa.

Finally, the whole issue of having the marriage between EU and ACP countries is a kind of agreement that is imbalance, which will only benefit few countries in the ACP, with the majority, some of which had their economy like Malawi almost back on track. This agreement will only force a majority of third world countries in a pit of poverty. As Mandela on 27th April 1998 rejected US president Bill Clinton’s Free Trade Prescription for Africa by saying, “this is a matter over which we have serious reservation….To us this is unacceptable,” ACP countries should not deceive themselves but the only answer should be a big NO!

In Support of Evo Morales! An Advocate Against Discrimination

2007-06-08T03:47:00.000-07:00

Bolivia President, His Excellency Evo Morales has joined many advocates in the fight against discrimination, ranging from economic discrimination and trade discrimination. This time, he has moved from his usual critical viewpoint of the Bush administration to football. He is reported to have urged the Soccer legend, Pele to fight FIFA’s ban on international games on higher attitudes, areas above 8, 200 feet.

This ban highly affects the Andean countries of which Bolivia is part of. The President rightly advocates against this decision which discriminates against the Andean Countries and people in such region. Even though the decision is intended to protect the health of players who need a lot of oxygen in the field of play which is thinly available in such attitudes, Morales sees this ban as discriminatory, which an international criminal offence.

The decision affects people in many ways. Football is a source of employment for players and other people in the field like coaches (as we have done to employ a foreign coach, Stephen Constantine at the expense of our local based seeds). Football games played in big cities with high population also bring revenue in gate collections and advertisements. Football is therefore a source of income and a vehicle for removing income poverty of nations. As a result of the ban, all the benefits that come with football in Andean countries (of course plus prostitution) and other countries in high attitude will be removed. No wonder Mr. Morales must be supported in this fight.

However, let me pin point some other facts that he might have missed. Games played in such areas highly risks the lives of players, of whom he presidents over. If they all die, who would play the game for the country to earn some economy? This is why I would urge the governments (Bolivia inclusive) to construct stadiums in attitudes which are ideal for player’s healthy lives.

USE SENEGAL’s TACTICS

2007-06-08T03:46:00.000-07:00

Let me first congratulate FAM for bring in Senegal for a friendly match with our boys here. Its not an easy task to bring a team which is recognized in the world over for its standard of football to play against a team which does not give any headache to teams even within southern Africa. Presently, the Flames is known for its dim-witted losses and give away of games. We are not consistent in as far as keeping winning records are concerned. For this reason, for a team like Senegal to allow to play us in a friendly we should highly recommend the flames and the government for giving out funds for such games.

However, one thing must not be taken for granted as some Senegal delegates have said. Malawi can upset Morocco. For Malawi to achieve this, I have one or two lessons to give to our coach, Stephen Constantine.

Firstly, the Flames must be aware of the reasons why Senegal has allowed to play us, the underdog (even though people, even Morocco has asserted that they don’t underrate us because anything is possible, the fact remains the same: we are underdogs. This is why the word underrate comes in!). Senegal knows for sure that Mozambique plays good football and the possibility to upset these Lions is high. The Mambas does not just loose anyhow at home, unlike Malawi. However, Malawi and Mozambique are in the same region and are neighbors for that matter. This means that we have many similar things, including the style of football is the same even if we are more underdogs compared to the Mambas. But they will learn the tactics from us that Mozambique can likely use in the field. The Lions will not have any bigger problems thereafter to upset our dear brothers, the Mambas.

As the Flames, we can use the same tactics. Senegal is from the Northern part of Equator, where football is a bit superb that us in the southern part. This follows that Senegal’s style and Morocco’s are almost similar as Malawi is to the mambas. Let us use the pace, dribbling, controlling and passing, and also counter attacking that Senegal will use on Sunday to upset Morocco. Constantine should use Senegal’s friendly, more seriously. Chibakera chamwana chimawawa

First Lady, Madame Ethel Mutharika, Not Loved

2007-06-08T03:41:00.000-07:00

There is an adage that goes pamaliro pamakhala nkhani, meaning lots of stories about the person, his/her death comes out at his/her funeral. I take this adage to outline something that amiss in the First Lady’s funeral. In black and white, in this article I argue that the first Lady, the Late Madame Ethel Mutharika, was not loved by his husband. I am at pain to say this but this is the only way to bring sanity and order to our culture so that we don’t anger our ancestors.

Firstly, it started as a allegations in 2006 that the First Lady was not feeling well and that was flown to South Africa and France for treatments. This was labeled as a rumor and was paraded away by the state house.

Secondly, the same thing was repeated this year. It was written and announced in various media that the first lady was not finding okay and had been flown to South Africa for treatment. As usual, Chikumbutso Mtuumodzi, the State house press officer, parried the allegations as rumors genesised by people who don’t want the president to achieve in his war against corruption. The Former president, Dr. Bakili Muluzi was reportedly to be the engineer agitating the allegations. Some unlucky journalist was arrested for reportedly breaking the privacy of people belonging in the public arena when he tried tyo report that Bingu was in South Africa to attend to His Wife’s illness. Now Malawi has lost her mother. The country is in deep grief, as a tragedy has fallen over its people.

Illogically, the death has now become public when the sickness was private. In Malawian culture, leaders are people who belong to the public arena, and their healthy status is a public concern. But to arrest people only to allow them at a later time is absurd.

Above that, when she was ill in the house at State House, the president went ahead to conduct rallies, leaving our mother alone in the house. This was the time when she needed the love of our father, the State President than anybody else. She was desperately in need of assurance of her recovery by the president than anything else. Yet, the president was busy in political rallies castigating his opponents. This shouldn’t be condoned by any leader, even aspirants to be leaders, because it is against African culture in general, and Malawian in particular. Who would deny the fact that she died because she did not receive any support from the husband?

Now we are shown the picture to believe that the first Lady, the Mother of Malawi Nation was highly loved. I berg to differ. It can be deduced from this that our mother, Madame Ethel Mutharika was not loved. When will we learn to love a person when he/she is still alive?

OYED

2007-06-06T11:18:00.000-07:00

for mor information about Organisation for the Youth Empowerment in Development (based in MALAWI) visit: http://oyedmalawi.blogspot.com

Organisation for the Youth Empowerment in Development (OYED)

2007-06-06T10:56:00.000-07:00

http://oyedmalawi.blogspot.com

Advocating For Local Government Elections: Implications In The Absence Of Councilors By Pearson Nkhoma1

2007-05-15T12:41:00.000-07:00

A lot has been written about postponements of local government elections. However, with the wrangles that are resulting because of the lack of consultation in the appointment of MEC commissioners, it is inevitable that local government elections would also be postponed for another longer period. History is repeating itself, but does Malawi really need councilors. This is a question that I am trying to answer. Democracy stands for the welfare of all people and for their common good. Citizens take part and share in the work of the government as it takes its objectives from the people. This is achieved through people’s participation in decision-making and affairs that affect them. Democracy insists on the right of people to control their affairs. This is one reason why in any democratic system, people need to participate fully. Through participation, people are empowered. Therefore, it can be inferred from here that participation is a hallmark of democracy. Local government, defined as a system in which the central government hands over certain definite powers to legally constituted bodies which represent people locally, is one of the ways set up to achieve good governance in the country. This is one reason the Constitution of the Republic of Malawi, in Chapter 14, provides for the existence of local government authorities in the country so as to give people a greater chance of taking part in decision making in their social, political and economical life. However, Participation can hardly be achieved in the absence of local government elected councilors. Local government is a system that is supposed to promote development in local areas. People choose their ward representative called councilors through local government elections. First elections for local governments were conducted in December 2000 and were dissolved in April 2005. since the time of dissolution, it follows that more than a year has passed without Malawi having elected councilors. However, the country’s constitution, in Section 147(5) clearly asserts that “Local government elections…shall be held on a day, within seven days from the expiration of the third week of May appointed by Electoral Commission”. According to this section, local government elections were supposed to have been conducted in 2005 but up to now, about two years since the dissolution, no specific date has been set. There are many reasons why Malawi needs local government elected councilors. As already asserted, local government has a legal backing from the country’s constitution. The Constitution of the Republic of Malawi, in Chapter 14, guarantees for the existence of local government elected authorities with constitutional backing functions in the country. Councilors have discretion in the management of local affairs subject to requirements of state law. Local government is also a constitutional principle for good governance and development. Additionally, local government is the proper area in which legitimate power can be exercised with true accountability since it operates on the basis of local representation. Section 146 further asserts that councilors are responsible for the representation of the people over whom they have jurisdiction for their welfare. Therefore, councilors are responsible for the consolidation and promotion of local democratic institutions and democratic participation, and also participation in the delivery of essential local services. Local government elections also provide the ground for people to practice their freedom to choose and elect their representatives, and also a ground for the participation of political activities intended to influence the composition and policies of the government as asserted in the Constitution of Malawi. In short, councilors empower local people to participate in decision making. It is local government elected authorities that make it possible for a large number of people to take an active part and participate in democracy. Participation and empowerment are vital key holders of democracy, thereby, leading to good governance in the country. In short, based on the Constitution, Malawi need local government elections to observe the rule of law. However, since the dissolution of local government authorities in April 2005, no date been put in place for local government elections to replace the councilors. In the absence of local government elected authorities there are many implications that may result. On the first place, since Chapter 14 of the Constitution provides for the existence of elected local government authorities and failure to replace them, it therefore follows the constitution has not been up-holded because it is against the background of the constitution which provides for their existence. The constitution is the supreme law, and not observing it is a crime. It may also mean that there is an infringement on the political rights of local people such as right to choose representatives and stand for political position as councillors as asserted in Section 46. It also infringes on peoples rights to development, as councillors will represent development projects to Assemblies. Above all the president, as a custodian to defend and preserve the constitution as Section 81(1), would most likely, face charges of violating the constitution as indicated in Section 86(2a), hence, face the possibility of impeachment charges because the Constitution in Section 147(5) asserts that “Local government elections…shall be held on a day, within seven days from the expiration of the third week of May appointed by Electoral Commission”. No wonder, poverty is increasing, as there is lack of political will for government to allow for local government elections. It is discovered that lack of participation increases poverty since development projects tackle issues that don’t affect the poor people. Accordingly, as already asserted, it can be argued that representative local government are a desirable counter part of democratic national government and a vital partner in the community a large. It is a necessity to have these councilors so as to bring participation and go on with the rule of law in democratic Malawi. However, some have argued that traditional leaders and MPs can replace elected councillors, hence, there is no need for local government elections. However, this argument is far from the legal prescription of democratic decentralization. Chiefs cannot replace councillors because the system of choosing chiefs is based on hereditary and male lineage, and, therefore undemocratic. In a democracy, people have a right to choose their local representative and a right to equality in public position. This cannot be achieved through the undemocratic chief selection. Furthermore chiefs cannot be held accountable as proved in Chitipa because they are not elected. Chiefs are also highly respected in our culture and it would be against the moral rights to hold them accountable. In addition, chiefs stay in power for lifetime. This would mean that there is no time to hold them accountable for mismanagement of resources and abuse of power. On the second hand, MPs are nation-wide lawmakers, not concerned with local development. It is ignorance that make us believe that MPs are there to facilitate or bring about development. Their duty in parliament is to make laws and justify government bills. It is the duty of councilors to facilitate on issues of development and other issues that affect local areas. Above that, wards are also smaller compared to constituencies, hence, easy to facilitate and an easy way to actively involve local people in development and local politics local in wards. Apart from that, it has been discovered through researches that MPs rarely consult their constituencies on matters as they go to parliament and make decisions that affect the country at general. Mostly, MPs are driven by party politics and personal desires. Ignoring Malawians at large. All in all, to have chiefs and MPs replace councilors is illegal and looking down at democracy. All in all, dictating MPs and Chiefs to replace councilors and represent people in matter of local areas means that dictating representatives on local people which is against democratic principles for people to choose their reps. This hinders on the genuine expression of the popular will to choose local representative of their choice. The constitution further asserts that government gets its powers from the people of Malawi, to look after and to protect their interests. This is achieved if people are given the environment in which they can ably participate. Lack of participation means denying people the right to livelihood security and good governance and also denial of meaningful debate on structural change. In summary, local government elections, by their nature, seek to uphold and implement the crucial analytical root of liberal democratic political system, vis-à-vis, the principle of separation of power and that of checks and balances as traditional pillars for the creation of equitable socio-economic and political development, aimed at empowering the grassroots and all other minorities. Without councilors, the choice made by people for representative local democracy is not being respected, henceforth making them look at decentralization as meaningless. Adherence and respect for provisions of the constitution has highly been undermined and it is therefore clear that government is diluting some values of democracy in the absence of councilors. It should also be clearly indicated the delays are against the upholding of periodic elections which democracy requires us. Imagine, a country without MPs and the president for about two years. In addition, it is impractical for government to state that there are no funds for local government elections. This only shows lack of political will and seriousness in part of the government. Malawians voted for democratic system of government in 1993, therefore we must just be ready to fulfill its principles. The government must know that as a democratic country, we cannot run without the representatives of local people. It will mean that we are going back to authoritarian system. MEC commissioners; ways must be achieved to bring in commissioners after a thorough consultation so that wrangles are solved with no delays; the government side must also justify where it went wrong, and with other political parties solve the problem. The wrangles are not doing Malawians any better. Just as any democratic country, Malawi cannot be run without the elected MPs and the President. This follows that it cannot also be run without local elected representative. A situation we are experiencing in Malawi is unhealthy and disgracing for democracy. All in all, by their nature, local government elections seek to uphold and implement the crucial analytical root of liberal democratic political system, vis-à-vis, the principle of separation of power and that of checks and balances as traditional pillars for the creation of equitable socio-economic and political development, aimed at empowering the grassroots and all other minorities and the rule of law. Without councilors, the choice made by people in 1994 for representative local democracy is not being respected, hence forth making them look at democracy and decentralization as meaningless. Adherence and respect for provisions of the constitution has highly been undermined and it is therefore clear that government is diluting some values of democracy in the absence of councilors. It is therefore imperative for all concerned civil society organizations and NGOs who are working hard to consolidate our democracy to find means and ways of addressing this disgracing situation. A clear date must be set at the soonest as to when to hold local government elections so that Malawians are not infringed of their rights like to have right to have local representative and right to participate in their local affairs. It is also high time the government started to uphold and protect the law by following what it guarantees, and Local government election will also be a test of government’s commitment to democracy in the country. In democratic country like Malawi, we should always keep in mind that local assemblies play a very important role in the upholding of democratic principles since local governments also consolidate democracy through participation at the grassroots. Let us be realistic that it is unreasonable for a country that is talking of decentralization, to be reluctant to hold local government elections. Above that, councilors are the key to the enhancement of good governance and rule on public trust, transparence and accountability which are keystone features of the constitution and good governance in democracy. It would therefore be impractical to delay local government elections any further. Human rights have already been infringed and democratic principles broken, Malawians need local government elections to replace councilors soon or else we are heading to the autocratic rule once again. A clear date must be set aside because elements of good governance which include participation, rule of law, respect for human rights and the constitution are not being upholded with these postponement of local government elections. Unless local people are given a chance to have their views, it is impractical to claim we are leaving in a democratic country.
The constituion has highly been violeted and no development can be achieved in a such environment

The sour side of love By Patricia Nkhoma

2007-05-15T12:40:00.001-07:00

Since the time i became an adolescent, I had been mistakenly thinking that to fall in love is synonymous to total happiness in life. This misconception had been in my mind-set until the time I got this girl of mine, whom I shall not disclose her name , i mean my ex-girl. This queen of mine drove me crazy. She had everything a so-called beautiful girl or Miss universe has. She was slim with her natural round hips, light in complexion, and medium in height. The dimples on her cheeks actually punctuated her beauty that I could shower my glances on her even if she belonged to me. I could boast of her wherever I could go. The girl really proved that she was my miss right. Being a peri, she could be coming here on campus just for the sake of me and to reciprocate, I had to go home during some weekends only to see this star of mine. However, It was this other weekend Which made me conclude that true love never exists, and that had never existed before since the inception of man on earth., its only theories of love which blindfold us human beings. One day as usual I went to visit my so-called girlfriend. I did not inform her in advance because I wanted my visit to be a surprise.. I went straight to her home. As I was approaching the house, just some eleven metres away, I could hear people singing in unison certain songs like those mostly sang on weddings. My heart was longing to appreciate this beautiful creation of God ( My girl) that I had to move afast. When I just reached the house ,the sight was incredible. I almost collapsed. It was my girlfriend having an engagement with another man. It was a harsh reality. I tell you My heart pounded heavily, and even thumped violently as I turned back and went straight home . “ But why me Lord, I m..e..a..n why L..o…r..d” I mumbled to myself on my way back home. Tears flooded my cheeks as I remembered all the special and precious moments I spent with this girl. Indeed my sturdy love had proved futile. From then I kept wondering if really true love exists.. On my way back, I met a friend of mine .I plucked my courage and recounted my misfortune to him. He gave me courage that it was part of the realities of life. Indeed love is full of ups and downs I nodded my head in agreement. Indeed this was my bitter experience to swallow and since then I has been asking myself questions if real love indeed exists.

WILL MDGs DEVELOP MALAWI ? BY PEARSON NKHOMA

2007-05-15T12:37:00.000-07:00

It is no longer a myth that poverty is the greatest challenge of development world wide. Strategies to eradicate poverty have been put in places ever since the time of colonialization. Hard to believe is the fact that poverty is denying to die out. As for Malawi, poverty is not only increasing, but deepening. The latest report of the UN indicate that Malawi is one of the poorest nations in the world. It is ranked 11th of the poorest countries. This is despite the number of strategies being carried, nationally and beyond, so as to remove the country out of its crisis. As asserted, many strategies have been put in place to eradicate poverty world over. Of late, the most common of the strategies are the International Goals which were set up in 1996, which were put in practice in 2000. These goals, now known as the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), were set up with a target of halving poverty by 2015. MDGs comprises of 8 goals, 18 targets and 48 indicators. Malawi is among the UN member states which are signatories of the MDGs. But its now six years down the line and no significant traits of change of development can be traced. Malawi is now poorer that the time it was attaining independence from the colonialists in the 1964. additionally and sad to note is that Malawi is now ten times poorer that it were a decade ago. With an aim of achieving the MDGs by the set time, the UN organized the first ever Global Leadership Summit for the Youth on MDGs, last year in October. The aim behind the summit was to allow the youth leaders discuss ways of accelerating the achievement of the MDGs by 2015. One of the students, Terence Malamulo was selected by National Youth Council (NYC), with the support of UNFPA, to represent the youths of Malawi at the summit. At the end of this summit Terence Malamulo was appointed to be Malawi’s UN MDG Ambassador, similarly to other delegates. When contacted by Chanco Pride, Terence confided that even though the path’s future looks gloomy for the country, there are still some tangible achievements that cannot be left without being appreciated. An MDG-support team has been formed to assist the project of the ambassador and to help other youth mainstream the MDGs in their existing projects and technical meeting with the government officials from the Ministries of Youth, Sports and Culture and Ministry of Economic Planning and Development; NYC and UNFPA. He also indicated that much as the song is worthy dancing, Malawi as a country has a daunting task at hand. Malawi as a nation itself needs to do something if it is to rise to development base. One of the ways is through involving the youths as Malamulo observes: “The youths comprise a larger percentage of the Malawian population and the whole world that’s why an emphasis is well put on them as non investment in them now will be grievous mistake that shall be beyond remedy.” The utmost remedy that Malawi should advocate for is the strong civic education aimed at changing people’s mindset. In December to February the MDG Support Team was working in Salima, NkhataBay, Karonga , Mchinji ,Chikwawa, Mangochi, and Dedza as mentors in the MDG Mentorship Programme, in scaling up SHR/HIV/AIDS services project called TIYENI. The aim was to inspire other youths in these district to take up the individual national development responsibilities. The team had interacted with the Chiefs T/As, Government officials , parents, youths in and out of the school with an objective of supporting the people on the ways to develop their communities and to establish links between the youths and parents as well as decision makers as the part of MDG achievement campaign. “Malawi can develop if and only if the meaning of the vision and means to develop are well shared among young people by first accepting the youth to actively participate and lead development programmes and through well articulated policies and structures at all levels of the development interaction: emphasis should be pressed on follow up activities on the developed policies.” Malamulo says with a basis that the youth constitute a majority population group of the country. But will MDGs ever eradicate poverty? The most basic question, however, that remain unanswered in the development sphere is that “will the quest of the MDGs and its attainment by 2015 eradicate all poverty facets, hence hurt development in the country?” It should, therefore, be pin-pointed here that the rationale for setting up poverty reduction goals seems to be simple and straightforward. Malawi had had different goals and policies put in place ever since the one party era. New goals improved from the processionals ones keep mushrooming, yet poverty in the country keep deepening. This follows that it still remains in theory only that the MDGs will accelerate development. The MDGs have also been criticized because they view the poor as a single homogeneous group whose prime problem is low monetary income. This is far from truth since different people lack different basic needs. What this means is that MDGs’ conceptualization make it possible, not only to seek simple solutions, but also do weaken poverty analysis, hence ends up distorting development strategies. Above all, the basis of measuring success based on reducing visible signs of poverty like low income, diseases, the MDGs focus on symptoms rather than causes of such problems. In brief, the MDGs are to simplicity in nature which may result into distortion of what development strategies ought to be like. This may result in resource misallocation. Evidence is also there that shows derailed means in development. This includes over 75% of the Malawians who do not know what development is all about and some of the frameworks for supporting development, high perception of the development role and responsibilities are being for the government, employment of unskilled or untrained personnel for a particular job, higher corruption in communities which weaken rule of law justice and no partnership in communities in development initiatives. All in all, the MDGs will remain an utopian concept unless Malawians, who are the subjects are encouraged to take part in development arena. This is what the supporting team is trying to achieve. For the time being, attainment of the MDGs will not accelerate development in the country. however, idealistic the MDGS may be, if followed with action, they will drive malawi development into a higher level as the goals have a motivation plea. the awareness or knowledge about the MDGs alone will not help the copuntry in any way.

WILL MDGs DEVELOP MALAWI ? BY PEARSON NKHOMA

2007-05-15T12:31:00.000-07:00

DICTATORSHIP HAUNTS MALAWIAN POLITICS HARD

2007-05-08T12:07:00.000-07:00

Reading in the daily papers of Monday and Tuesday, one is left with one conclusion, “dictatorship is the only common principle that is practiced and shared in our political parties”. Malawi is flooded by undemocratic authoritarian dictatorial political parties. The leaders don’t see the importance of consulting the local people on issues that directly affect the locals.

Our political cohorts don’t have the capacity and time to consult local people; this is why they impose persons to represent us. Bingu wa Mutharika, the DPP Presidential candidate 2009 general elections, has just imposed a governor on Kasungu people and Bakili Muluzi, UDF presidential candidate for the same elections, has also imposed a shadow MP, Philip Bwanali, on the people of Thyolo for 2009 elections. Further more, it is alleged that AFORD imposed Loveness Gondwe as President for the party on its supporters.

Apart from being undemocratic, such conducts cause political tension and witch hunting. This is evident on the current wrangle in AFORD and the abandonment of Bingu from UDF and Bakili, a ‘party’ and an individual that suppoted and campaigned him into power aas we are left to beilieve. Imposition also makes the electorate see themselves inferior and unimportant on issues that affect them. The same, also floods to development, as people don’t see the importance of participating. They have a syndrome that make them depend on the outsider.

This conduct of imposing people has been criticized highly, but these politicians don’t seem to learn. This is why I don’t see any importance of doing criticizing their undemocratic way of imposing representatives on people, but I will rather leave it to the politicians themselves to learn for themselves when their actions backfire in the 2009 election outcome as it did in 2004. I also reserve my opinion since the more we seem to condemn dictatorial acts by our political leaders, is the more they resolve to doing the same dictatorial principles.

FUTURE OF SOUTHRN AFRICAN ECONOMIES DEPEND ON STRENGTHENING OF THE REGIONAL BODIES: A CRTICAL ANALYSIS

2007-04-26T08:59:00.000-07:00

DOES THE

INTRODUCTION
Southern African economies, over the past decades have been on crisis. As a matter of fact, the economic situation has been deteriorating in this region up to the revel that Malawi is now ten times poorer than it was a decade a go (The Lamp # 14:1). In general, Africa is worse off than the time of independence. The situation does not seem to be improving, and economically, the region is in deep crisis. Long term growth is needed to move Southern Africa out of its economic trap into a sustainable economic path. Many strategies are being put in place to achieve this. One of the strategies having been introduced is the establishment of regional bodies like Southern African Development Conference (SADC) . Some development proponents have argued that the future of Southern African economies depends on strengthening these regional bodies. This article gives a critical explanation of my viewpoint to see how valid this proposition is. It looks at the subject of strengthening regional integration as one way of moving the region out of its crisis.

This article has been divided into six phases. The first section gives a brief over view of Southern African economies. The second part focuses on some of the factors that have led the region into its present scenario. This section traces both external and internal factors. Having looked at the economic situation that the region has been trapped in, the article in its third part introduces the concept of regional integration which results into regional bodies. The article will also give some of the advantages. There after, the article looks at SADC as one of the regional bodies that were set up to encourage regional integration and with an aim of removing the region from its economic crisis. Having looked at SADC as a case study, the article gives some of challenges of regional integration in Southern Africa with a focus on why despite having SADC, the region is still in crisis. From this outlook of region integration, the article gives a critical appraisal to see if the future of Southern African economies sorely depends on strengthening of regional bodies. This part also gives some recommendations of what ought to be done if regional integration has to be successful. Thereafter, the last part is the conclusion.

SOUTHERN AFRICAN ECONOMIES IN CRISIS
Southern African region seems to have come into a full circle to a position of real promise in the four decades since most countries in the region attained independence. At independence there were great expectations of rapid economic and social progress. However, no any great economic improvement has been achieved ever since. The region is in great economic crisis. As a region, Southern Africa is economically at the crossroads. Regardless of the economic strategies that are carried in the region, it remains the poorest region in the world. According to the UNDP’s 2000 human Development Report, of the 43 countries on its least of developed countries, 29 are in SSA, and 74% of the low human development on the HDI belongs to this region. Southern Africa, which is part of the SSA, has both economic and human development declining. Ahmed and Cleeve (2004:15) describe Southern African region as the “the only major region where per capita income…has declined over an extended period of time”. Southern Africa is the only region where economic development appears to be moving in reverse with different development strategies failing to halt the spiral (ibid). Malawi, a country in the region, according to The Lamp# 14(1), is now ten times poorer than it was a decade ago. No wonder, the region continues to have economic indicators that are among the worst in the world. Economically, this is partially with the economic crisis as growth stagnated in the 1980 and although a number of countries in the region undertook far reaching economic reforms, the region’s aggregate economic performance remained disappointingly weak, with falling real incomes per capita (Ahmed and Cleeve, 2004:12). Economically, it is therefore indispensable that the southern African region is in crisis. No wonder the region is the poorest in the world since income is highly linked to the development of any nation . All in all, the region is economically in great economic crisis.

FACTORS FOR THE CRISIS
1. SOME EXTERNAL FACTORS
There are many factors that have led to the present economic situation. Both external shocks and domestic factors contribute to the overall poor economic performance in Southern Africa. On the first place, it should be pointed out that there are many external factors that have contributed to the economic crisis in the region. Firstly, the present economic situation has its roots beyond colonization era. Josef D. Zalot critically asserts that “the intention of colonizers was not to develop the continent…but to exploit Africa ands its resources for their own personal wealth and [that of the] mother nation”. Furthermore, colonialists followed a labor intensive and seized land from their indigenous people who ended up being homeless. Thirdly, the colonialists followed the monoculture system. African countries continue to have focus on a single product as the primary means of moving into prosperity (ibid). Malawi highly depends on tobacco, which is deteriorating on the world market. This follows that in terms of price devaluation, the region has no any other income generating product. Additionally, since many countries in the region retained the monoculture system, their economic fortunes are tied to the prices they receive for their goods on the international markets.
A. FOREGN INVESTMENT, AID and DEBT
Further more, some external factors that have risen to the crisis are the decline in the levels of foreign investment and unintended effect of foreign aid and debt. On the first hand, in the 1980s net foreign investment in Africa fell by over 50% from US$1.22 billion to $ 498 million. The region is characterized with low investment rates (15-20%) and lower saving rate (10-15%) (Page, 2000:34). Aid also declined in years that followed tremendously. Official development aid to Southern Africa had fallen to US$12.3billion by the end of 1999 from US$17.2 billion a decade before (Ahmed and Cleeve, 2004:22). The region therefore lacks finances to service their deteriorating income which is left to keep on declining. Additionally, when donors give out aid they have target areas where the aid is directed, thereby addressing some of which have no any capacity to generate income. In most cases, such aid is just wasted without improving the economic capacity of the countries. On the other hand, Africa is in crisis because of the debt. When African countries were gaining independence, they ventured into extensive borrowing to provide people with expectations as well as with an effort to shore up their deteriorating economies and shrinking domestic resources base (Ahmed and Cleeve, 2004:13). However, given the very low and declining rates of return on public outlays plus increase in interest rates, external debts often became unsustainable. No wonder, arrears accumulated and the amount of debt to be repaid reached unbearable level. External indebtedness shows that from a starting position of MK980.6 million in 1984, Malawi descended into a deep pit which stood at MK 373, 219.63 million in 2005 (Hajat, 2007:7). Debt serving for Malawi, before the debt relief, comprised of MK152.6 million in 1985 and rose to an untenably high figure of MK10.8 billion in 2005, whilst interest payments rose from MK 62.8 million to MK3.2 billion during the same period . This follows that African countries, especially the high borrowing countries which are found in the Southern African region, repay more on debt than they got. It is therefore not surprising that Zalot (ibid) critically states that “the international community, unethically demand repayments of debt that exists primarily as a result of increase in interest rates”. However, over years the economic problem that plunged the Malawian economy, just like in many African countries, saw the country move into a negative GDP growth rates ranging from -4.4% in 1980 to -5.2% in 1981 even in the presence of heavy borrowing (Chilowa, 1991:2). The foreign debt for Southern Africa reached US$ 290 billion in 1992 making it the most debt-distressed region in the world (Ihonvbere, n.d:130). Debt affects the economic status in Southern Africa because its servicing began to drain massive economic resources from the region with US$ 26 million paid out in 1991 alone (ibid). Expenditure on other economic strategies continues to decline drastically since focus is on debt servicing.
B. FOREGN POLICIES
Most importantly, Southern African Economy is in crisis because of the foreign income policies that have been pursued in the region. The donor community mostly dictates policies that are not applicable to the region and respective countries. As for the donor community, they follow a principle of ‘a policy that works in one country works for all’ ignoring the differences in development levels and availability of resources of different countries (ibid). The countries in the region, just like other poor countries in the world over, accept these policies so as to qualify for the aid and debt. The most common inappropriate economic policies to have been carried in the region are the Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs). As it became apparent that the economic borrowing could not be alleviated by high levels of borrowing, the Government of Malawi embarked on a program to deal with its structural problems and by 1981/82 period a broad-based structural adjustment program was launched to restore economy to some levels of sustainable economic levels (ibid). SAPs were implemented and designed in such a way as to give incentives to the production of tradable, rationalize government expenditure and strengthen key institutions (ibid). This was with a view to set up the stage for sustainable macroeconomic growth. Trade was to be liberated, subsidies were supposed to be removed and companies be privatized. However, SAPs have been criticized from the word go. Devereaux and Cook (2001:1) critically assert that “[SAPs], as conventionally designed and derived, leave the [economic] needs of the poor countries in adequately addressed”. The IMF and The World Bank transplanted the SAPs in Southern Africa “without taking the views of the people in the poor countries, hence SAPs had little adaptation to local realities” (ibid). SAPs reflected the experts’ priorities rather than local realities. The common principles for SAPs were the need for market liberalization and privatization with a premise of increasing economic efficiency . However, market liberalization and removal of subsidy has resulted into high prices. Secondly, privatization process which is an ingredient of SAPs, has led to high unemployment levels and reduction of real wages as private entities could not mange a concentrated company in the country. Privatization does not provide any restraining or alternative opportunity because SAPs force government to trim their budgets . In short, SAPs have failed to achieve in most southern African countries as it has increased unemployment rate, lowered income for people in the informal sector and expenditure on development services like education and health in the name of lowering public expenditure hence lowering the levels of HDI. This resulted into the worsening of social indicators. Significantly to note, just like in almost all countries in Southern Africa where the policies were set, SAPs failed to lead the country into a significant structural change in the economy (Chilowa, 1994:33-34). Weeks (1996:101-2) sees that SAPs have failed to transform Southern Africa “by all relevant criteria as it focused on state stabilization and not growth”. It was based on the presumption that countries operates independently of each other. SAPs regarded poor countries as mere recipient rather than the actual agents of change . Modern integration must therefore consider the poor countries as the protagonist of the integration process if economic growth is to be sustained.
Like SAPs, capitalism has also a hand in the economic situation in Africa. Just like SAPs, capitalism encourages market liberalization, a strategy that failed during SAPs. SAPS forced Africa to unilaterally liberalize their trade regimes, a development that has failed Africa. All in all, externally, the most important factors that militate against Southern African economies is the forced repayment of debt which approaches levels of GNP and the imposition of SAPs.

2. INTERNAL FACTORS
Apart from the external factors, Africa is in crisis because of some other internal factors that, like the external factors, have a hand in causing the present income scenario. Firstly, the Southern African region is identified with poor governance. It is factually proved that poor governance work against income growth because of resource misallocation (ibid). There were rampant cases of corruption and intolerance, which are all signs of poor governance, over the past decade in the country. Another important internal factor is economic and political instability. There have been cases of high political instability and economic inflation in many countries in Southern Africa like Zimbabwe, Zambia and Malawi. The Kampala Declaration (cited in Ihonvbere, n.d:125) clearly asserts that “the erosion of security and stability is one major causes of [Africa’s] continuing crises and one of the principal impediments to the creation of a sound economy and effective intra-and inter-African cooperation”. The increase of political violence in the region chases any sort of investors. No investor is motivated to invest in a country where the probability of an eruption of wars is high. The region has been characterized with civil wars. A very good example is that Malawi’s economy began to weaken in the late 1970s because of the disruption of trade route through Mozambique where there was a civil war. All in all foreign capital flows into countries that show signs of stability and progress (ibid).

Additionally, another important factor is the brain drain. Sefa Dei and Asghrzade (2002:31) explain that “basically, the brain drain entails the transfer of human knowledge, experience, skill and expertise from one area…to another”. Eventually, the movement is oriented towards the most highly developed countries. However, this has resulted into the shortage of skilled and potential human resources that could develop the region economically. Just like the slave trade, Southern Africa is left with less productive citizens that can produce economic results. Related to brain drain, Southern Africa economies face its greatest challenge in unbearable rise in the HIV/AIDS pandemic. Ahmed and Cleeve (2004:24) observe rightly that “the spread of HIV/AIDS threatens any income development strategy since the victims are potential and productive citizens in the region”. This follows that the region does not improve economically and remains in crisis. Further more, a lot of money is spent on buying drugs the AIDS related diseases instead of being allocated in other areas where they can generate high profits.

All in all, the causes of these crisis, aggravated by severe drought of the past several years plus the above factors , by and large, southern African countries apart from few like South Africa, less developed than those countries on other countries (White head, 1986). The region has also suffered from deteriorating terms of trade. Altogether, sub-Saharan Africa’s terms of trade have declined by approximately 13% since 1977, with each 1% costing these countries about US$200 million in lost net export earnings (ibid).

Due to the above factors, Southern Africa, in all economic indicators, has made very little progress since political independence in the 1960. Ihonvbere (n.d:125) states that the region lags very behind other developing regions, not only in economic indicators but also ink other indicators of development.

REGIONAL INTEGRATION
With an attempt to remove Southern Africa from the economic crisis trap, many strategies have been introduced and pursued in the region. One of the most popular strategies being pursued in the whole region is Regional Integration. The concept of Regional Integration is a very complex concept and it has so many meanings. Wikipedia (2006) defines regional integration as “a process in which state enter into supranational regional organization in order to increase regional cooperation and diffuse tension” . A critical point in this definition is that countries come together to form a community and function for the benefit of the whole regional society with un understanding that various countries in the region are essential elements in for the development of the whole region. Secondly, Lee (2003:8) critically agrees that regionalism, which results from regional integration, is an ambiguous term. She goes on to define regional integration as “the adoption of a regional project by a formal regional economic organization designed to enhance the political, economic, social, cultural and security integration and/or cooperation of member states”. This definition is such a critical one as it also includes other spheres in integration apart from the economic that most scholars assert. Regional integration, as seen in this definition ranges from economic perspective to any type of social activity among actors in a particular region. This is why the term also becomes ambiguous, that apart from having so many definitions with no exact meaning, regional integration also results due to some other social needs. It must therefore clearly be pointed here that regional integration involves interaction of different societal forces within a region. By analyzing the above definitions, in this essay regional integration means the “process by which states within a particular region enter into a cooperation to increase the levels of interaction with regard to economical, security, political and cultural issues”. Bach (cited on Lee, 2003:8) explains that formal regional integration is “represented by institutional forms of cooperation or integration” and is defined as the aggregation and fusion into broader units of existing territories or field of interventions. As for the informal network, Bach (ibid) states that “it is represented by trans-state and results in the exploitation of dysfunctions and disparities generated by existing boundaries with debilitating effects on sate territorial control”. It is the inform way of rectifying trans-state problems in an informal way.

A range of different set of ideas explains integration. As for Africa, Lee (2003:22) observes that regional integration has largely been pursued within the context of three theories. Firstly, regional integration has pursued in the form of market/economic integration. According to Lee (ibid), this is a strategy that SADCC members rejected when it was being established but it was later adopted and is being pursed by the current transformed bloc. This strategy refers to different degrees of integration in the same linear progression. Market integration has different forms which include Free Trade Area (FTA), Customs Union (CU), Common Market, Economic Union Total Economic Integration and Political Union. The second theory that explains regionalism in Africa is regional cooperation. By adopting this strategy in 1980, SADCC was attempting to enhance the development of the region in order to bring about regional structural transformation (ibid). The primary concern was altering the economic structures of dependence that existed between SADCC member states and apartheid regime in South Africa as enhanced regional trade though market integration was to be a future goal of the body. Lastly, development integration is another set of ideas that explains Africa’s regional integration that focuses only on social development (ibid).
· ADVANTAGES
Regionalism is viewed by many as an ideal possible way for Southern Africa to arrest its economic crisis and Africa’s further marginalization within the world economy abet through pursuing a “new regional agenda”. Regional integration is considered as a very important development in transforming the region’s economic situation. Firstly, regional blocs make it inevitable to bring about strengthening of transnational trade and finances in order to achieve meaningful economic growth and development (Olubomelin and Kawonishe, 2004) . Successful regional integration reduces transaction costs. Olubomelin and Kawonishe (ibid) observe that “the same commodity is expensive at a [Malawian] market than at the South African market”. This is so because South Africa has ports and no transport expenses and no internal tariffs are added to the commodity while all these are added in Malawi (ibid). As a result of these, goods are expensive in the interior landlocked countries. However, with regional bodies, these tariffs are removed for member countries and good costs almost the same price regardless of how far the country is from sea ports. Further more, regional integration allows economies of scale, attracts direct investments and makes macro economic coordination easier (ibid). This is because, due to integration, countries become like one since integration results into a community of countries. Olesegun Obasanjo, the State President of Nigeria, in support of this fact, asserted that
“regional economic cooperation and integration make it possible for African countries to collectively build integrative
infrastructure in transport, communication energy and [any trade infrastructure]] which would otherwise be too costly for individual, small and fragmented African countries to undertake. Above all, in the ruthlessly competitive world of globalization and [market] liberation, cooperation and integration offers [African states] the only chance to be relevant and to speak with one voice in international negotiations” (cited in Olubomelin and Kawonishe, 2004).
This follows that economic growth for Southern Africa can be achieved with collective action. This follows that strengthening of regional bodies is ideal to achieve economic growth since integration removes trade barriers.

· CHALLENGES
Even though African governments began creating regional blocs with a view to enhance economic growth and development, up to date, these objectives have not been achieved. This is because regional integration in Southern Africa has faced different challenges. This phase of an essay provides a brief overview of some challenges of regional integration in the region.

Lack of commitment is the first most important challenge that is ruining the successful of regional integration in Southern Africa. Different countries don’t have the political will to put the common agenda of the region as their priorities. Shams (22003:16) into the economic observe that this is partially “due to different political ideologies of the member countries and their external alliances, and also due to the problems arising from the distribution of gains from integration”. Countries that follow different government ideologies can hardly integrate. This is why South Africa was being excluded in SADCC, and joined SADC when it moved from apartheid to multiparty democracy. Furthermore, just as globalization has been criticized, gains obtained from regional integration are unequally distributed among the member states. This forces other countries to fully participate in programs of regional bodies in Southern Africa.

Secondly, regional integration fails to succeed because of overlapping of membership in regional blocs that have similar goals and objectives (Lee, 2003:235). This is possible because countries lack the political commitment to regionalism and end up taking part in different regional blocs. At present Malawi belongs to both SADC and COMESA. Even though this might results to increase trade areas, overlapping of membership prevents the successful of implementing goals and projects which becomes problematic (Sham, 2003:16). Member countries would be unwilling to implement goals which would not fully address their needs when the other bloc has programmes that are ideal for their need. All in all, the overlapping of membership, just as Lee (2003:2) asserts significantly, undermines regional integration as a result of the inevitable regulations and commitments because they are obliged to blocs with similar objectives. because

Most importantly regionalization has failed to be rooted in Africa because most of the regional blocs have no common value (Nathan, 2004:92). As a result most individual countries have different values among that sometimes conflict those of regional blocks. As a result, it becomes hard temperament operations in the region. So far, efforts at regionalism have been an elite affair as countries lack different agendas (Ihonvbere, n.d148). Further more, as evident in SADC, regional integration is not succeeding in its programmes because member countries are reluctant to surrender a measure of sovereignty in decision making (ibid). As there is great absence of political will and common goals in regional blocs in Southern Africa, mutual trust and shared vision is also no present. As a result countries prefer working on an individual basis to address their needs.

Additionally, region integration in Southern Africa has highly been undermined by NEPAD. Melber (2004:87) points out that “NEPAD undermines regional blocs as programmes [it carries in the region] are implemented mainly by countries and not by regional blocs”. The significance role of regional bodies is therefore not felt as important. This can also be seen in the African Union’s idea to be the supreme voice of development economic strategies within the sub-regions, a role which is supposed to be carried by specific regional bodies. Ihonvbere (n.d:134) also notes that “intra-trade cooperation has been impossible as a precipitate of lack of security and instability, as consequently, instability and economic crisis in one country reduces the stability most all other African Countries”. As already indicated, Southern Africa is best with macroeconomic instability because of mismanagement, corruption and economic policies which are imposed by the donor countries (Lee, 2003:3). In Additional, Southern Africa is also in economic crisis because of globalization. Nye (in Lee, 2003:15) defines globalization as a “state of the world involving networks of interdependence at multi continental distance. Globalization has resulted into the proliferation of regional blocs, market economic policies spreading around the world, market liberalization and privatization (SAPs). However, the major beneficiaries of this strategy have been the core countries of the world economy. Prices and economic policies are mostly predetermined either by the World Trade Organization or by high-income superpowers. Malawi and other poor countries in the region do not have a say on export prices like tobacco

In addition that regional integration has deteriorated in Africa is the argument raised by some other proponents that regional blocs for the region should highly depend on South Africa. Chinsinga (2001:1) wrongly asserts that South Africa “being both a regional economic and political power, [it] is better placed to guide the integration of Southern Africa sub-region towards the highly competitive and volatile global market”. In as far as South Africa can play crucial role in engaging the economic forces, it also has its priorities at the expense of other countries (see Tambulasi and Kayuni). Economic and state driven integration is obsolete (van Nieuwkerk, 2006:8). By focusing only on trade, most of the integrations have ignored other facets that have caused the crisis. These facets are left to accumulate. Ochwada (2004:73) therefore argues that “while strategies for regional integration have [had] good objectives, they…certainly remain attractive on paper if other social factors” that contribute to the economic crisis are not considered as crucial in the integration processes. There are many facets of factors that have contributed to the economic crisis of the region.

SADC AS A REGIONAL BLOC
This phase, having looked at the general over view of regional integration, gives a practical framework of SADC that will allow us to see if indeed strengthening of regional blocs is ideal for the future of Southern African Economies. Regionalism in Southern Africa has a long-standing tradition. Ochwada (2004:76) highlights that “integration schemes in Africa predates pre-colonial times as people coexisted and lived mutually without regard of rigid political boundaries. Furthermore, Tambulasi and Kayuni (2005:147) agree with Ochwada by indicating that “ubuntu is the basis of African communal life hence a basis of cooperation…[as it] brings the nature of African image of supportiveness and cooperation in the interests of regional building”. This follows that regional integration is rooted in the African culture. In southern Africa, the political appeal of regional integration has historically been strengthened by apartheid regime in South Africa. The Kampala Declaration, which is a result of African Leaders Forum in May 1991, acknowledges that “the sovereignty of every African state and …the development of every African country is in inseparable linked with those of other African state (cited in Ihonvbere n.d: 134). The declaration calls for the common agenda because “Africa can not make any progress on any other front without creating collective agenda”. The “Cooperation Calabash”, an aspect of the Kampala Declaration, no wonder affirms that “African countries cannot expect to compete or develop individually, in the evolving international economic system dominated by regional economic blocs and globalization” (cited in Ihonvbere, n.d: 145). This assertion is calling for collective regional cooperation.

There are many regional bodies in southern Africa. These include SADC, COMESA and SACU. This essay focuses only at SADC. For the sake of this essay, we will only look at SADC as a case study. SADC was formulated in 1980, as SADCC with a primary objective to reduce economic dependence Southern African Countries on apartheid regime of South Africa (Chinsinga, 2002:3). SADCC was formed as a strategy to counter apartheid destabilization strategies and promote decolonization in Southern Africa region. Lee (2003:4) clearly indicate that by focusing of this agenda “SADCC’s major function was political so as to mite the region against the apartheid regime of South Africa”. In this regard, the agenda could only be achieved through regional cooperation. This objective was political in nature. However, the objectives were not achieved since, instead of being independent of South Africa’s economy, with destabilization policy in South Africa, member states increased their economic dependency by 1989 (ibid:45). This makes it clear that countries in southern Africa could not survive economically without South Africa . SADCC failed since the strategy of regional cooperation was not deep and changes were not accomplished regarding key issues (Lee, 2003:23). Because it failed to achieve its objectives, through the Windhoek Treaty of 1992, SADCC was transformed into SADC in 1992 (Shams, 2003:22) with trade as its major agenda of its regional protocol so as to establish a Free Trade Area (FTA) (ibid). This transformation was enhanced by destabilization strategies followed by South Africa and by globalization . Member states of SADCC felt that Market integration was a necessity equipment to avoid further marginalization on the world market and reduce the economic dependence on South Africa (ibid:7). Unlike SADCC, which was designed to make a greater political statement rather than an economic one, SADC’s major objective was therefore to foster market integration, making the objective be trade oriented. Ever since the transformation it SADC, intra and international trade has been encouraged.

However, the economy situation of the region has not been improved. Southern Africa remains the poorest region in the world with 40% of 600 million people living on less than a dollar a day (ibid: 1). The number of poor people in the region has tremendously increased and deepened. Most of the poorest countries in the world are from this region, with Malawi being the 11th poorest country (the World Bank Report, 2006). Southern Africa is significantly worse off today than they were at the point of freedom from colonial domination, [forty] years ago (The World Bank, cited in Ihonvbere, n.d:129). Even in the presence of SADC, economic conditions are not improving in the region.

FACTORS HINDERING SADC
There are so many factors that hinder SADC, just like any other integration to transform the region economic condition. Firstly, high economic growth is needed. Blaauw and Bishchoff (cited on Chinsinga, 2002:12) infer that “the region must create at least 8% annual economic growth rate if is to make substantial roads into the reduction of its economic crisis”. This is a huge amount in as far as economic growth is concerned and Chinsinga (2002:12-13) clearly asserts that “the prevailing circumstances [in the region] make it unrealistic to think that SADC could reach, let alone sustain this level of growth”. Secondly, member states lack the political will to implement the objectives of the bloc. Countries have no common value and are reluctant to surrender a measure of sovereignty in decision making . Most countries in SADC have individual goal as a result of this political will. The lack of political will to foster the bloc’s agenda can easily be seen in South Africa’s idea to venture into an agreement with the EU without the consent of other member states of the region . South Africa made unilateral negotiations with the EU on Free Trade Agreement without consulting other members of SADC (Bischoff, 2003:15). In addition, SADC lacks the economic tool to remove dependence syndrome on the international economy and in particular the deleterious economies and social effects of SAPs (Pallotti, 2004:592). Furthermore, the neo liberal market pursued by SADC in 1990s has worsened the economic condition (ibid).

The transformation of SADCC into SADC has actually meant the loss of any regional capacity to ably promote the structural transformation of the economies in the region. Pallotti (2004:515) critically observe that the “transformation however…did not elaborate any program and strategies [and up to now] member states have not reached an agreement on new industrialization strategy”. This is why liberalization of intra-regional trade has become the only pillar of economic integration strategy promoted by SADC.

Additionally, SADC is failing to succeed because of the high levels of political and economic instability. Dr. Bakili Muluzi, then Chairman of the SADC, argued that SADC’s economic goal will be irrelevant unless the region achieve peace and economic security”. Peace and economic stability are prerequisites for economic growth since it attracts different investors. However, fledging democracies in Malawi, DRC and Zimbabwe undermines SADC’s effort to integrate Southern Africa into an economic bloc. No wonder, economic growth is failing to be increased as there are great resource mismanagement in the region and also great political violence. Economic and political instability in the SADC region also poses major challenges to the implementation of a successful strategy of regionalism, hence regionalism is not rooted in the region.

All in all, regionalism has failed because the region lacks the prerequisite of good governance. Leaders in the region highly undermine the provisions of the constitution which is the principle of good governance. This can be seen in the delay of local government elections in Malawi (Nkhoma, 2007:15) and in the undemocratic top-down approach that political parties follow which floods into the government system at large (Nkhoma, 2007:8). It is therefore inevitable to have bad governance since undemocratic procedures seem to be rooted in people in the region at a large as seen in Malawi and also Zimbabwe. Good governance is a prerequisite for both regional integration and sustainable growth.

RECOMMENDATIONS
The task to transform the Southern African region into a haven of prosperity appears quite a significant challenge. A lot must be done so that regional integration assists in the development of the economic environment in the region. Most importantly, for programs to succeed, regional integration objectives must be clear, and more important, national interests, regional goals, and sovereignty issues should be balanced and harmonized a buy-in by Africans at grassroots levels, including civil society and the private sector. Regional integration should not only be a building of the state presidents . Countries must review all other challenges that SADC has faced like lack of political will so that they pursue a common agenda in its program. Within the context of strengthening regional integration in Southern Africa, some of its regional economic hegemony like South Africa must avoid tactics used by triad blocs to enhance their access to regional markets by creating special economic relations with these countries in the form of Free Trade Agreements (Lee, 2003:41). Other facets also need to be considered because there can be no growth and integration without peace, security and stability as seen in this essay. The ultimate objective, as seen from this essay, should be to integrate the region into some sort of an indigenously managed regional order with a participatory bottom up approach (Ochiwada, 2004:76). Income growth is a result of both political as well as social factors rather than trade alone. All in all, there is a long way to go to place Southern Africa on a sound economic path. Regional Integration should incorporate other social services rather than trade alone. Since trade-focused market integration schemes have failed in Africa, a regional strategy that deals with economic and political realities of the Southern African region should begin by unequivocally rejecting market integration (ibid). Governments should also come up with the strategies for enhancing trade without adversely affecting the weaker member states, without imposing income policies. In addition, consideration can be taken of the prospect for increased intra-regional trade without creating a free trade area or common market (Lee, 2003:237).

Deep regional integration should also include the informal sector if it has to succeed. Reattaching the informal sector to the informal economy would itself lend to more potential for enhancing economic development and regionalism. A good example is that if half of Malawi’s trade with its neighbor takes place in the informal trade sector, it can be concluded that a high degree of integration exists (ibid: 238).

CONCLUSION
From this essay, it can therefore be inferred that strengthening of regional bodies can hardly succeed in the getting lid of the economic situation. There are so many facets that contribute to the economic crisis. Unless regional bodies are formulated to address all these dimensions, nothing tangible can be achieved by the strengthening of regional blocs. In conclusion, this essay has tried to explain my viewpoint to see if the future of Southern African economies depends on strengthening of regional bodies like SADC. We see that to remove Africa from its economic crisis, a lot has to be done. From the essay, we see that regional bodies in Southern Africa leave a lot to be desired, hence economic crisis can hardly be eradicated with strengthening of these blocs.

Selected Bibliography

Ahmed, A and E. Cleeve (2004) “Tracking the Millennium Development Goals in Sub-Saharan Africa”. In
International Journal of Social Econmics, Vol.31#1/2,pp12-29

Anyaegbunam, C et al (1998) Participatory Rural Communication Appraisal: Starting with the People,
Harare: SADC Centre of CFD

Chilowa, W (1991) “SAP and Poverty: The Case of Malawi”. A Working Paper D1990:3 for DERAP

Chilowa, W (1994) SAP in Malawi: Perspective on Private and Public Sectors”. Paper Presented at The
World Seminar on “Adjustment in Africain Africa”, May 23-24, 1994, Harare, Zimbabwe

Chinsinga, B (2002) “A Beacon of Hope in a Regional Context”. In Regional Development Studies,
Vol8pp1-19

Deacon, B (2001) The Social Dimensions of Regionalism: A Constructive Alternative to Neo-Liberal
Globalism

Hajat, R (2007) “A Look at Malawi’s Economic Landscape”. In The Lamp, N64, March-April 2007pp6-7

Haralambos, M and M. Holborn (2004) Sociology: Themes and Perspective, London: Collins

Ihonvbere, J (1981) “The Kampala Declaration and the African Crisis: Political Posturing or Collective
Nationalism? In 21st Century African Review: A Journal of Issues in the African Community, Vol1#1.

Kayuni, H and R. Tambulasi (n.d) “Big Brother or Big Opportunist? South Africa’s Enthusiasm for a
Multifaceted Relationship with the Rest of Africa. Unpublished

Lee, M (2003) The Political Economy of Regionalism, Cape Town: UCT Press

Melber, H (2004) “Regional Cooperation: What Future for SADC”. Pambazuka 180, Oct 28, 2004

Nkhoma, P (2007) “Why Delay Local Government Elections”. In The Lamp # 63. Jan-Feb 2007 p15.

Nkhoma, P (2007) “Muluzi can Bounce Back, Only if…”. In The Sunday Times, March 18, 2007p8.

Ochwada, H (2004) “Rethinking East Africa Integration: From Economic to Political and from State to
Civil Society”. In African Development, Vol.xxix.No.2pp53-79

Olubomelin, D and D. Kawonishe (2004) The African Union and Challenges of Regional Integration in
Africa. http://www.ssnflinders.edu.au/global/atsaap/conferences/2004proceedings.Olubomehin.PDF
Retrieved on 29th March, 2007

Page, S (2000) Regions and Development: Politics, Security and Economics, London: Frank

Pallotti, (2004) “SADC: A Development Community Without a Development Policy”. In Review of African
Political Economy # 101:pp513-31

Regional Roads to Country Issues, Kenya Forum Shows that Regional Integration can Change Bank’s
Course in Africa. Available on
http://wb.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/COUNTRIES/AFRICAEXT/SOUTHAFRICAEXTN?0,,contentMDK:212314 Retrieved on February 22, 2007

Sefa Dei, G and A. Asghrzade (2002) “What is to be Done? A Look at some Causes and Consequences of
the African Brain Drain”. In African Issues, Volxxx/1.pp31-36

Shams, R (2003) “Regional Integration in Developing Countries: Some Lessons Based on Case Studies”.
HWWA Discussion Pape#251,November, 2003. available on www.hwwa.de. Pp1-35

Tambulasi, R and H. Kayuni (2005) “Can African Feet Divorce Western Shoes? The Case of ‘Ubuntu’ and
Democratic Good Governance in Malawi”. In Nordic Journal of African Studies, Vol14/2pp147-161.

UNDP’s 2000 human Development Report

Zalot, J Economic Crisis in Africa:Moral Challenges to the Community. Available on
http://www.acton.org/article.php?article=144 Retrieved on 29th March, 2007.

Wikipedia (2006) The Free Encyclopedia Regional Integration,
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Regional_integration Last Modified on 17th February, 2007.

Weeks, J (1996) “Regional Cooperation and Southern Development”. In Journal of Southern African
Studies, Vol.22.No.1, March 1996.pp99-117.

Whitehead, J (1986) The African Economic Crisis.
http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m1079/is_v86/ni_4076192 Retrieved on 22 February, 2007

MBUYA: CLINGING TO THE LAST THREAD OF A ROPE

2007-04-25T11:31:00.000-07:00

By Pacharo Felix Munthali
Primordially like a prescription issued by a doctor, with no traits of drugs traceable in pharmacy, it was like a sheer witticism when one Kajiso Gondwe, UDF governor for the north stunned the nation, coming out of his cocoon to bring to light, the issue that myriad of UDF gurus were dilly-dallying to comment on, that the first president in the first years of democracy, come what may, will make a come back and take part in 2009 presidential elections.

As if other regional governors and some politicians were impetuously waiting in wings, putting every action and reaction under the microscope, probably ready to seize any opportunity that may crop up, they abut on the bandwagon of individuals championing for Bakili Muluzi to run in 2009 presidential race. Frankly speaking, what has followed is a mad rush of individuals calling beyond God’s heavens that the former president should run again at all cost.

Meticulously anatomising a legion of those fighting for the running of Bakili Muluzi, people of different aspirations, education, sense of responsibility and of course, political successes, it is lucid that some of them like Cheperone winds fickle. One of them that is not only intriguing, but also intricate to elucidate is one time godfather of the lower Shire, a person, who when MCP was sailing through troubled water was as calm as cucumber, a person who with his infant RP managed to secure not less than 16 seats in parliament. That’s Gwanda Chakuamba, probably his side of strengths.

Nevertheless, the man also has a side that up to date overshadows any drip of success his life revelled in.

Just a miniscule dose of his bygone days, the man contested in the presidential elections twice and lost to the very same Muluzi in 1999 general elections and to Mutharika in 2004, after all these elections the man had vehemently been speaking in tongues that the results were not true reflections of votes of electorates. He claimed to have been robbed.

The man is an industrious actor in as far as amusing people with his unpredictable movements that if he were a striker, he would have teased defenders this way and that at will. He is probably the only politician who has manoeuvred a lot, jumping from one party to another. Remember he dumped MCP for UDF then back to MCP. From MCP, he formed his Republican Party, before joining UDF, dumping it for DPP; from DPP he formed New Republican Party before going back to UDF. After RP had refused to be used as his briefcase, now NRP is his briefcase. He is amorphous.

He left MCP after the leadership wrangles, before illegally attempting to deregister his RP for having joined DPP. To him to be given MG5 for MG3 was a sign of demotion and he dumped the government in the process. At times he had not been good to Muluzi either, having a better part of Muluzi’s credentials during campaigns was one of his hobbies, before now becoming vocal presumably from his political graveyard in this Ayimanso slogan.

The call by Chakuamba that all opposition parties should join hands to defeat Mutharika is not only impossible, by examining how Chakuamba and Tembo were, but also ill intentioned. It is more of a conspiracy than being a call intoxicated with ingredients of rationality. Its typical of definition of politics called Ndale in Malawian context.

In a sudden paradox of his claims, the political instability, economic mismanagement and corruption are some of the reasons enough for the opposition to gang up in attempt to defeat Mutharika, yet the very same reasons were at play when the country was locked up in financial mix-up during the second term of democracy. The nation needs not to point out at debt relief, for the first time in as many years, tunes of hunger are no longer making rounds, and the inflow of monies from donors, and the list is just endless. He should know is that to put economy back on track especially the one that was messed up pathetically, its difficult, especially in the environment where oppositional party parties motives are to enrich themselves and pin you down.

One then can be put in wonderland if his reportedly support to defeat Mutharika is indeed built on true senses, not to serve personal vendetta. Further, one is short of words when she/he tries to find the proper reason why the man from his comatose is back, because any reason he will forward will be like he is just recycling it further.

Was he (Chakuamba) not the one who was full of praises of Mutharika when they were together in government, before saying all negative later? Muluzi was not spared either. The problem is that the politicians in this country are more of the gormandisers; always seizing opportunities by the neck where it seems the opportunity is about to glow. Chakuamba pretty well knows that if Muluzi is allowed to contest, judging based on the last three general elections, with his charisma that can leave Bush foaming with envy, assurance of winning is high, at least Gwanda Chakuamba will as well be guaranteed of being a Minister of …and enjoy himself beyond boundaries.

When with DPP, he said, he was in politics not for personal aggrandisement, but help Bingu develop the nation. But when he dumped government the reasons he gave for leaving government were to do with his personal enjoyment rather than being of developmental concern. Critically putting under the microscope Mbuya’s speech in Balaka it lucidly depicts traits of some kind of individual aggrandisement than a passive eye can make out.

Or will it be wrong to put Chakuamba in the same category with Khwauli Msiska, a man who was used by the UDF to move that infamous impeachment?

The political dinosaurs like Gwanda Chakuamba are supposed to leave the scene to the new blood, as he once said, it is better for him to concentrate on religious issues. Apparently Chakuamba is fond of just saying whatever comes to his mind, when he lost in 1999 elections he said he would go to jungle.

May be the adage that there is no permanent enmity in the gamble of politics is not only valid, but legitimate as well as our politicians more than frequent have proved it true. Gwanda being one of them is proving it beyond limits of scruples.

If he still depends on his archaic formula, where electorates instead of being bosses are reduced to mere slaves of politicians, being swayed from one party to another, then his abyss is in the offing. His last lesson is just a stone throwaway distance. May be Muluzi is also thinking that Chakuamba still commands that overwhelming support hence allowing Chakuamba on board. But the man whilst in DPP he did not hide his ambition of being the Veep. Will other gurus just watch? Typical of Chakuamba, wherever he is disagreements are always there? The same is just a matter of time before happening.

Whether his calls for Muluzi are in good faith or of Khwauli Msiska’s style, whoever will lick the benefits, the great loser will be Mbuya. Whatever his motives are, only time will tell. Also, the aspirations for Muluzi to stand depend on the Malawi Law Commission’s review of the section 83 of the Republic Constitution of Malawi as regards to his come back.

The debates on Muluzi’s stand will keep on growing stronger, the same on Gwanda’s come back, but it is not known who will win, is it Muluzi? Or Chakuamba (Personal nourishment)? May be both? But as it was in the Third Term Bill the sacrifice was there, and one will be slaughtered as well.

All in all his time is overdue, had it been that he maintained that calmness that would have left political prostitutes that are already in different pockets of local political landscape foaming with envy, integrity that can not be described, for sure everybody, despite losing the elections in 2004 would have thought otherwise, but the present movements leaves a great deal to be desired, hence total disapproval of his come back.

By Pacharo Felix Munthali
Chancellor College
Khondowe 4
P.O. Box 280
Zomba
The author is Third year student at Chancellor College.

DEAR FATHER:AN ADVOCACY FOR FATHER'S DAY

2007-04-25T11:27:00.000-07:00

By Pacharo Felix Munthali
How fast time creeps. How I wished I had written a dispatch. How I wished, just the way I celebrated with mater familias, yes mum, I celebrated with you as well father. Just to equate the equation. How I wish I had showed how ineffably I treasure you. With the opening of this arena, the only platform my heart can let out all the weighing issues, I beg to move a motion; how I look up to you, papa.

Father! You are the only thing, 50% of my parent; bible says you are second to the most Highness, my life had ever known. I still remember those sunny days, probably when I was in standard one or two, tired due to the sweltering sun, me coming from school, you sited under the Mango tree, you used to invite me before I even lay my hands on Kondowole Nsima.

“Pacharo, come over here!” with pride of your son beyond description, you could call, me hungry, inside myself cursing.

Then you used to go through all the exercises of the day and when it happened that I have failed even a single problem; justice of its own magnitude was done. You always wanted your son to be an achiever, even when the going is getting tough. How times change father!

How I cherish those moments when you forced me to grasp politics of a clock, knowing that its 12:30 PM before reaching the age of Four. Mind you those were the late 80s when but few nursery schools were there.

The better part of my cheeks you enjoyed. It may sound harsh, but you had a reason. Not just a reason but also a well-calculated reason. A vision for that matter. You wanted your son at least he should be someone in life. You wanted your son to be a kind of individual that would brave the most perplexing situations, and burry them to the valley of pessimism.

Now as am facing even more hurdles, forcing me sleepless nights, sweating to the heat of the enigmas, which is now a new predicament in need of a solution, those words of courage keep on rekindling. As I swim through the turbulent waters, full of crocodiles, with the aim of silencing me, my life wears well-equipped arsenals. “Of course you can be whatever you want. Go, fear nobody, you are an architect of your own destiny,” these words keep on resurfacing whenever I choke with stumbling obstacles.

At times I feel like going mad, when I do a mistake, thinking at how you went mad when I failed to do something the way it was supposed to be.

Father! You are great. For long time fathers have not been considered in many ways. Some fathers in total silence have and are still, being subjected to gender based violence. Good volumes of slaps they are receiving. Of course, crying due to their wayward behaviours, though not all, but you father you were unique. With mum and children we lived happily.
Father! I adore you. And you will still remain the one that I will always keep in mind. You are my hero in the making.

As the count down continues to the day we will be commemorating the fathers’ day, papa all I can say is that you deserve the day. Let the day come and let fathers dance to tunes of their success ranging from raising children into productive citizens, or potentially productive, to their own good life. Let the day come and let commemoration of great fathers of Malawi be remembered, who for one reason or another lost their lives for the love of their families or the nation. Let the day come, when together with fathers we will dance to the tunes of Chintali, Malipenga, Ingoma, Tchopa, and Beni. Let the day come.

By Pacharo Felix Munthali
Chancellor College
Khondowe 4
P.O. Box 280
Zomba

THE DANCE

2007-04-25T11:24:00.000-07:00

By Pacharo Felix Munthali
This dance is sweet
Ask Agama
The dancers dance
To the melodies of Indingala drums
The air getting saturated
He dances again and again
After dancing the whole night
He thirsts for more
This boogie is sweet

To bow out is a misdemeanour
But to dance again
From the breast of Chitipa
To the gorges of Nsanje
The dancers forces the drum howling
“Follow me…”
A plea monopolises the sky
This dance is saccharine

Contact
Pacharo Felix Munthali
Chancellor College
P.O. Box 280
Zomba

CLINGING TO THE LAST THREAD OF A ROPE

2007-04-25T11:21:00.000-07:00

MY HEART

2007-04-25T11:20:00.001-07:00

By Pacharo Felix Munthali
Though in the thicket of unknown
Oceans away
The land unimaginable
Upon reminiscence of your face
Those memories rekindle
Bad days, sad days
Slippy days, happy days
With you
My heart
Shining
Growing in glow
Nuggets of loneliness
Dispersed in wilderness

CONTACTS:
By Pacharo Felix Munthali
Chancellor College
Khondowe 4
P.O. Box 280
Zomba

IF I CAN DREAM

2007-04-25T11:19:00.001-07:00

By Pacharo Felix Munthali
In the out of order stream
I thirst for polemics of cream
No more death scream
Onl headway seam
How I desired the House worked as a team

May be if I can try?
Joza chief whip of the ruling
Ntchona laeder of the opposition
Zabweka, Zayakunkhongo,Chekaboyt
And Pewani completing the government side
Taxina, Fingo, Dobadoba
Blowing the opposion whistle
A zephyr breath of wind unruffling
Echoes of development reverberating
That would be my dream

Town and Country Rats as watchdogs
Crazy world the media platform
Zeze, Sauzika and Katakwe
Being shadows of the community
Zebedee enveloped as Chief Justice
That’s if I can dream.

CONTACTS:
By Pacharo Felix Munthali
Chancellor College
Khondowe 4
P.O. Box 280
Zomba

2007-04-24T12:32:00.001-07:00

MAILING IMF, WORLD BANK AND THE UN
by WEongani Mugaba

The much touted Millennium Development Goals championed by the UN, IMF and the World Bank express real passion of raising living standards of the poor, on paper that is.

The goals to eradicate extreme poverty, achieve universal primary education, achieve gender equity and women empowerment, reduce maternal deaths, combat diseases such as AIDS, ensure environmental sustainability and develop a global partnership for development without objections show that the Breton wood institutions and the UN have the welfare of people at heart. But not the policies they formulate and ensure our governments adopt, arbitrarily for that matter.

All the goals are far from achievement, even reduction by half and are nevertheless unknown to most ordinary citizens. I doubt if people in Nsanje Lalanje, Nathenje in Lilongwe and Mzokoto in Rumphi know these goals. That may be their own making, but the champions of the goals themselves have a very big problem.

The eighth goal as I see it is key to achieving the other goals. If we start achieving this goal, all the others will follow automatically -seek ye first and all shall be added unto you! But this goal will not be achieved, if events on the development arena are used as measures of success. The UN, IMF and World Bank are fostering for developing a global partnership for development only on paper. The IMF and World Bank are promoting policies which only lead to economic development while social development lags behind. The institutions promote privatisation so that the increased income returns trickle down to the poor. Instead, privatised companies have retrenched their workers, increased unemployment rates even though their profits have shot up.

Considering the people who buy the companies on hammer, only a few if any indigenous Malawians have bought a statutory company. This vindicates where the money goes. The income earned by the turned private companies is drained to their countries while we get poor and poorer!

Only a few days ago, the press reported that the Breton woods institutions have told, if not ordered the government not to increase civil servants salaries if the economic showers are to continue flowing. They should just provide the financial resources and ensure they are spent for the purpose transparently.

“A praise not too much” wrote D.D Phiri in the nation of 8 September 2006. Bingu has fairly done well in tightening the public pulse. Beside he knows better what it means to be in Malawi than the IMF and World Bank experts. It has been his priority to raise the salaries of civil servants. How long should civil servants wait, if they are objecting to the salary increase? And why are they not supporting the Nsanje Water way Project? What the institutions have to know is that people in the villages are expecting reduction in prices of commodities. They need food, medicines and not mere applauds that “ Malawi has successfully implemented IMF policies” without reflections on the ground.

On the international scene, Taiwan one of Malawi’s helping hands since independence is not recognised by the UN. If countries which are promoting development in TWC are left out of the world body, how can we achieve the eighth and subsequently other goals?

The UN, IMF and World Bank are intrinsically important players in the development process without doubt. We applaud some actions such as the debt cancellation, even though we may have paid dearly. They however, must stop bringing policies for our governments to implement arbitrarily. Their actions have to reflect this: otherwise, they contradict the goals they devised.
Labels: development

2007-04-24T12:32:00.000-07:00

But Chimbayo seems to be an outsider in UDF altogether

2007-04-24T12:31:00.000-07:00

But Chimbayo seems to be an outsider in UDF altogether

But Chimbayo seems to be an outsider in UDF altogether
CHIMBAYO, ANOTHER BINGU?
by Wongani Mugaba

When the Nation unearthed the GTZ Forum for Dialogue and Peace report that Former president and UDF national chairman DR Bakili Muluzi is earmarking Former Army Commander General Joseph Chimbayo as UDF presidential hopeful for 2009 General elections, many people lavished it as total dreams. The UDF chair demanded an apology from the-would be authors of the report or face court action. A few days after, the GTZ Forum apologized through the press stating that the report was leaked while in its proof stages and in such stages all issues lacking evidence are dislodged. The story has blown like wind but there is no smoke without fire an ordinary proverb states. More importantly history repeats it self, just like old habits die-hard.

When UDF strongman Brown Mpinganjira and company left the then ruling party in 2001, they preached to the whole nation that Muluzi was contemplating of vying for a third term. Most people however thought otherwise regarding them as political confusionists. Prior to his leaving, then treasurer and rumoured UDF financier James Makhumula had been dismissed on his post for allegedly decampaining Muluzi’s wishes to stand for a third term. Until a year later could we get sense of Mpinganjira’s claims when fallen UDF hero and party governor Davis Kapito started campaigning for Muluzi’s third term. Muluzi did not publicly state whether he would seek another term, but his actions spoke louder. Many UDF functionaries and cabinet ministers who were against the bid were fired including Jan Sonke and Peter Kaleso. On the contrary the proponents of the bid such as Chakufwa Chihana and Khwauli Msiska were appointed to cabinet positions. The third term bill fortunately was defeated by a minus three votes.
Muluzi and the UDF still however, kept mum on who would assume the mantle after the flopping of the third term, but rumours hovered that then unpopular DR Bingu wa Mutharika, deputy reserve bank governor would succeed him. In a lion speed rise, Bingu was initially appointed as minister of economic planning and development in 2003 by Muluzi, heightening the rumours further.

“The UDF national executive and the cabinet have unanimously elected Dr Bingu wa Mutharika and DR Cassim Chilumpha as the 2004 presidential candidate and running mate respectively” declared Muluzi a few months later through the then rare state of the nation addresses monitored on the public broadcasters, confirming the rumours. Defections from the party followed and we saw the party’s first vice president Aleke Banda quit UDF and eventually then vice president of the republic DR Justin Malewezi. Most party members and political commentators regarded Mutharika as an outsider in UDF imposed on the people to be the former presidents puppet.

“Bingu is the former COMESA secretary general and was fired by Chakalakala Chaziya. He is former deputy reserve bank governor, former World Bank and IMF economist and a holder of a PhD in economic development” was all the press could describe him. If there were additions it was that he lost miserably to Muluzi in the 1999 general elections on the UP’s ticket, also trailing behind Gwanda Chakuamba but running neck to neck with MDP’s party boss Kamlepo Kalua. Muluzi however brushed aside the assertions that Mutharika was a stranger in UDF. In May 2004, Muluzi handed over leadership of the country to Mutharika following the party’s success in the elections. This time around Mutharika, on a UDF ticket, beat all the candidates who had stamped on him in the 1999 elections.

A few months later Mutharika, found it too hot to stay in the party that ushered him to power and quit. Political analysts hailed his move stressing that it would allow him to stretch his muscles on graft and catch the “ big fish” which Father Masauko had called for at the Njamba reconciliation prayers, soon after the general elections. Though Mutharika has done fairy well in the economic sector, most human rights watchdogs say he is failing in promoting human rights.

But who is Chimbayo anyway? Other than being an officer in the army, Chimbayo has never been a politician. Even after president Mutharika terminated his duties last year, he has not publicly stated of harbouring ambitions to join politics. He was appointed as army commander general on 16 January 1998 replacing general Kelvin Simwaka who was sent to a diplomatic mission in Harare, Zimbabwe. His appointment came barely a day after some army officers had raided the Daily Times newspaper offices for publishing a story on AIDS prevalence in the Malawi military. Prior to his appointment, he was commandant of the Malawi Armed Forces College which trains office cadets, the top-notch officers in the military.

Unmasking events on the political arena, the UDF does not have a clearly identifiable candidate about two and half years before kick starting the presidential race. MCP is likely to field John Tembo while ruling DPP says Mutharika will be the man. The UDF has Brown Mpinganjira, Friday Jumbe and Cassim Chilumpha as their most likely candidates, though there are other “insiders” who are unknown to the public and may be hooked in, the Mutharika way.

Mpinganjira a graduate journalist by profession is the most suitable candidate as he has vast experience in politics and was among the first members of the party. In addition he has no court cases to answer and comes from Mulanje, a UDF strong hold. The fact that he once ditched the party reminds the party members that history repeats itself. Also considering that Bingu “ painfully resigned” after winning the elections make things even worse. Friday Jumbe an economist by profession may be another good asset for UDF to sell. He hails from Chiradzulu in UDF stronghold and has sufficient experience in politics though a little less than his two counterparts. This may however depend on the outcome of the pending fraud case, in which he has to explain how he got funds to construct his Superior hotel in Blantyre. Cassim Chilumpha has an advantage of being a very loyal UDF son. As former minister during Muluzi’s reign and as current veep of the republic he has vast experience in politics. He has two major setbacks, firstly to win the treason case and secondly he comes from Nkhotakota in the central region, which is MCP’s stronghold.

But Chimbayo seems to be an outsider in UDF altogether. As an army officer, he was supposed to be nonpartisan during the time of service. There is no doubt that Mr. Chimbayo observed this requirement considering that he served many years in the military and in high positions for that matter. The defence force monitors the security of the state and of the first citizen. By appointing him to the highest helm, Muluzi showed that he had trust in him. He was appointed not only because he had the necessary academic qualifications but also because of this trust, which is of the highest order. In addition Chimbayo comes from Mangochi and would be easier to sell not to forget the educational qualifications he has. If this dream, which is colouored as of now, turns into reality - and indeed the reality that Mr. Chimbayo becomes president in 2009 will he deliver? Would he still remain “yellow” even though he may have never been? I urge anyone who sees no fog on the playground to consider this history.
Labels: politics in Malawi

Local government elections: Government why this delay.

2007-04-24T12:27:00.000-07:00

Local government elections: Government why this delay.

Local government, defined as a system in which the central government hands over certain definite powers to legally constituted bodies which represent people locally, is responsible to the people and it is one of the ways set up to achieve good governance and local participation in the country.
In democratic countries, every citizen is supposed to take part in matters happening in his/her society such as choosing leaders. To give people a greater chance of taking part in decision making in their social, political and economical life in Malawi , the Constitution of the Republic of Malawi , in Chapter 14, provides for the existence of local government authorities in the country. Local government is a system that is supposed to promote development and peoples’ participation in local areas. People choose their ward representative called councilors through local government elections. First elections for local governments were conducted in December 2000 and were dissolved in April 2005. This follows that more than a year has passed without Malawi elections to replace councilors. However, the country’s constitution, in Section 147(5) clearly asserts that “Local government elections…shall be held on a day, within seven days from the expiration of the third week of May appointed by Electoral Commission”. According to this section, local government elections were supposed to have been conducted in 2005 but up to now, about two years since the dissolution, no specific date has been set. However with the ongoing wrangles, it is clear that we will witness another long period before the elections are held.
Malawians need local government elected councilors for many reasons. As already asserted, local government has a legal backing from the country’s constitution. The Constitution of the Republic of Malawi , in Chapter 14, guarantees for the existence of local government elected authorities with constitutional backing functions in the country. Councilors have discretion in the management of local affairs subject to requirements of state law. Local government is also a constitutional principle for good governance and development. Additionally, local government is the proper area in which legitimate power can be exercised with true accountability since it operates on the basis of local representation. Section 146 further asserts that councilors are responsible for the representation of the people over whom they have jurisdiction for their welfare. Therefore, councilors are responsible for the consolidation and promotion of local democratic institutions and democratic participation in the delivery of essential local services.
Local government elections also provide the ground for people to practice their freedom to choose and elect their representatives, and also a ground for the participation of political activities intended to influence the composition and policies of the government as asserted in the Constitution of Malawi. In short, councilors empower local people to participate in decision making. It is local government elected authorities that make it possible for a large number of people to take an active part and participate in democracy. Participation and empowerment are vital key holders of democracy, thereby, leading to good governance in the country.
However, since the dissolution of local government authorities in April 2005, no date been put in place for local government elections to replace the councilors. In the absence of local government elected authorities there are many implications that may result. On the first place, failure to replace councilors is infringement of the constitution. It may also mean that there is an infringement on the political rights of local people such as right to choose representatives and stand for political position as councillors as asserted in Section 46. It also infringes on peoples rights to development as councillors will represent development projects to Assemblies. Above all the president, as a custodian to defend and preserve the constitution as Section 81(1), would most likely, face charges of violating the constitution as indicated in Section 86(2a), hence, face the possibility of impeachment charges because the Constitution in Section 147(5) asserts that “Local government elections…shall be held on a day, within seven days from the expiration of the third week of May appointed by Electoral Commission”.
Accordingly, it can be argued that representative local government are a desirable counter part of democratic national government and a vital partner in the community a large. It is a necessity to have these councilors so as to bring participation and go on with the rule of law in democratic Malawi . However, some have argued that traditional leaders and MPs can replace elected councillors, hence, there is no need for local government elections. However, this argument is far from the legal prescription of democratic decentralization. Chiefs cannot replace councillors because the system of choosing chiefs is based on hereditary and male lineage, and, therefore undemocratic. In a democracy, people have a right to choose their local representative and a right to equality in public position. This cannot be achieved through the undemocratic chief selection. Furthermore chiefs cannot be held accountable because they are not elected. On the second hand, MPs are nation-wide lawmakers, not concerned with local development. Wards are also smaller compared to constituencies, hence, easy to facilitate and an easy way to actively involve local people in development and local politics local in wards. To have chiefs and MPs replace councilors is illegal.
All in all, by their nature, local government elections seek to uphold and implement the crucial analytical root of liberal democratic political system, vis-à-vis, the principle of separation of power and that of checks and balances as traditional pillars for the creation of equitable socio-economic and political development, aimed at empowering the grassroots and all other minorities and the rule of law. Without councilors, the choice made by people in 1994 for representative local democracy is not being respected, hence forth making them look at democracy and decentralization as meaningless. Adherence and respect for provisions of the constitution has highly been undermined and it is therefore clear that government is diluting some values of democracy in the absence of councilors.
In addition government must also stop lying that there are no funds. Local government elections, just like general elections, must be planned as office time draws to the end. We voted for democratic system of government in 1993, therefore we must just be ready to fulfill its principles. The government must know that as a democratic country, we cannot run without the representatives of local people. It will mean that we are going back to authoritarian system. MEC commissioners’ wrangles must be solve with no delays, the government side must justify where it went wrong, and with other political parties solve the problem. The wrangles are not doing Malawians any better.
It is therefore imperative for all concerned civil society organizations and NGOs who are working hard to consolidate our democracy to find means and ways of addressing this disgracing situation. A clear date must be set at the soonest as to when to hold local government elections so that Malawians are not infringed of their rights like to have right to have local representative and right to participate in their local affairs. It is also high time the government started to uphold and protect the law by following what it guarantees, and Local government election will also be a test of government’s commitment to democracy in the country. In democratic country like Malawi , we should always keep in mind that local assemblies play a very important role in the upholding of democratic principles since local governments also consolidate democracy through participation at the grassroots. In addition, it is also unreasonable for a country that is talking of decentralization, to be reluctant to hold local government elections. In addition, councillors are the key to the enhancement of good governance and rule on public trust, transparence and accountability which are keystone features of the constitution and good governance in democracy. It would therefore be impractical to delay local government elections any further. Human rights have already been infringed and democratic principles broken, Malawians need local government elections to replace councilors soon or else. A clear date must be set aside.

OF SECTION 65, INVESTORS AND BINGU’S IDEA TO APPEAL.

2007-04-24T12:26:00.001-07:00

OF SECTION 65, INVESTORS AND BINGU’S IDEA TO APPEAL. By Pearson Nkhoma;1

The government is at it again. It wants to seek another second [but I think a third] opinion and interpretation on Section 65. The government sees that it ‘lost’ on first opinion and second opinion for interpretations of Section 65. The court clearly asserted that the plea for appeal had no legal basis since there were no parties involved and no right is infringed. Bingu just wanted to seek interpretations of the Section. It is, however, unbelievable to see how the government is handling this issue taking into account that the president just wanted to seek interpretations of Sec 65. The appeal clearly shows that the president had already made interpretations of the Section before he went to court for the interpretations of the Section.

I base my argument with revelations that the president is appealing against the court ruling. On the first hand, this clearly shows that the president has vested interest in this section and would want the court to interpret it according to his vested interest. Secondly, it is a pity to note that the same president who swore to defend the constitution is now fighting tooth and nail to bring it down because of his personal needs.

It should clearly be indicated here that the president cannot defend this Section since he is more interested to defend the survival of his personal party-DPP, rather than the constitution contents. He is therefore prepared to do all things that would achieve that. Survival of his property means a lot to him than survival of chronically poor Malawians. Just like many other politicians don’t represent people. History and experience with constitution ammendments clearly prove that MPs and most other politicians don’t solist views of their constituencies they claim to represent on constitution amendments. They are dictated by party politics and personal interests. A very good example is the repeal of ‘Recall Provission’ in 1995, Sec 83 and this same Sec 65.this follows that there is a high possibity for politicians to misreprtesent views of Malawians on Constitution amendments and appeals.

This clearly shows that Bingu, just like most other politicians, is no interested in representing the many Malawians who voted him into power. As a result his appeal against the interpretation of a Section he swore to protect cannot be looked at with good faith.
I’m saying Bingu has no public interest at heart in this section from recent revelations that investors are now shunning Malawi because of this nonsense political tensions that Section 65 is bringing with party politics being the driver behind the appeal. Shunning of investors because of this political tension infringes on people’s rights like right to development, and other economic activities. However, Bingu is still planning to go ahead with the appeal, clearly chasing donors. This is because politicians tend to forget that Malawians are supreme rulers and they [politicians] are only representatives of many Malawians.

This is one reason why it can be asserted that party politics is the manipulator behind Bingu’s idea to appeal to the interpretations of Section 65 than political justice for many Malawians leaving in chronic poverty. In addition, Sec 65 was introduced in 2001 to get lid with MPs who were running away from UDF prior to 3rd term bill. Some of the MPs who were part of the proponents of Sec 65 in 2001 are part of the DPP. The tooth they introduced is now about to show them the power.

Bingu must be reminded that political motivated Constitutional interpretations and amendments just make popular politicians unpopular in the wrong run-ndipo Munthu amatha ngati makatani. Bakili Muluzi is a good witness to this with reference to his unpopular 3rd and open term bills. It is therefore wrong for Bingu and other politicians to be thinking that interpretation of sec 65, with political values attached, is making them any popular. This is also bad, apart from democracy, for our good Bingu who undemocratically, has declared that whether one likes it or not, in DPP or opposition, he is going to run for presidential elections in 2009.

It is also a pity to realize that interpretation of the constitution by judges is taken as ‘a tit for tat’ game because of the salary issue. This argument is far from legal prescriptions and it is not the first time judges have been accused of such. In 2001 some judges were even impeached by Parliament for ruling against the government and were referred as judges for opposition. History is repeating itself.

However, if Moya’s argument is valid and in good faith, I’m the view that the best thing Moya should do is suggest the recalling of Sec 64-the Recall Provision, which was repealed in 1994. This will show that Moya is truly representing the people. Further more, the Recall Provision will also empower local people who MPs represent. Of section 64, people will have the mandate to tell the speaker to declare seat of their MP vacant if they feel the MP has crossed the flow. MPs are not political party representatives, but they represent local people. It follows that local Malawians must therefore be empowered to determine if they want there MP cross the flow and join another party or not, of course after a referendum-democracy is not cheap. I’m saying this because sometimes local people would want their MP associate himself or herself to another party which has good agendas from the his/her political party to address their needs better, and it is therefore unfortunate to take away this representation right from the local people, who democratically have supreme mandate. It is now very unfortunate to note that MPs prioritize survival of their political parties and not people who voted them into office.

All in all, Bingu need not fear anything from this interpretation because application of Section 65 affect almost all parties in parliament apart from parties like PPM and RP.

It is therefore imperative for all concerned civil societies, NGO and all Malawians who are working hard to consolidate our democracy to find means so that the Constitution is not politically tampered with. Malawians should also not allow judges being accused of politicking when they rule against the government side. The Executive Arm should learn the principle of separation of power, which is there among different arm of government.

The appeal Bingu is doing will also spend a lot of taxpayers’ money which can be used to buy food and medicines for starving Malawians. The court, as a said above, clearly asserted that the plea for appeal had no legal basis since there were no parties involved. Bingu just wanted to seek interpretations of Section 65, and no right is infringed because of the ruling. This must really be taken as victory for democracy, let us forge into development and not politicking, otsamangotcheranatcherana ndale. Politics is not ndale as it is in our context.

Political amendments dilute the constitution as a hall. In democracy, the constitution is supreme law and must be respected and treated as such. This will help avoid constitutional provisions that would only satisfy needs of few greedy politicians and not local people who are supreme rulers.

In view of this, MPs need to learn and table significant bills like the abolishment of death penalty which infringes on other provisions like life and dignity. I therefore urge politicians to respect the rule of law, supreme law, our constitution and the supreme rulers-local people.

USE OF SOLDIERS ON PARTY POLITICS? ANOTHER BREACH OF THE CONSTITUTION BY MR. PRESIDENT!

2007-04-16T12:26:00.001-07:00

Democracy, in its simplicity form, is the rule of the majority. People are elected as representatives. The elected people need to govern in what is required of them by the majority of Malawians. Democracy is more that voting people into office during elections. There are principles that are put in place to guide democratic nations. Two of these principles include rule of law whereby the constitution is the supreme law and respect for human rights.

Respect for the constitution is the most important basic principle of democracy. The constitution is a documentation of what people agree on how they should be ruled and how public services must be run. Kamuzu era was not democratic in such that it did not have a constitution which recognized Malawians as supreme rulers. Public services were abused to achieve personal interests. It is the constitution that documents the Bill of Rights. Respect for human rights is the second most basic principle of democracy. The progress of democracy in societies is measured by human rights. High levels of abuses of human rights indicate that societies, even if they claim to be democratic, are not in any way democratic. This is why dictatorial regimes, like the Kamuzu era, are not democratic, even when rulers claim that the majority population is happy with their ruling. In these regimes, a lot of human rights abuses are reported and people agree to the rules as they express themselves only in whispers. Freedoms, in true essence, are highly limited in such regimes. In short, democracy is respect for the constitution and human rights theoretically and practically. With this brief account of what democracy ought to be like, recent developments in Malawian politics remove all the principles that make us be referred to as democratic.

Firstly, as already indicated, democratic societies are guided by the constitution and bleach of it is a crime. Chapter IV (also known as the Bill of Rights) in Section 40 assert that every person has the right to form, join, and participate in the activities of any political party of his/her choice intended to influence the composition and policies of the government. This follows that the constitution guarantees every Malawian with political choices. This is one reason why Kamuzu era was also not democratic. People did not have the choice in politics. Any one thought to be an ‘opponent’ of the ruling hegemony was not allowed in Malawi . A lot of people were exiled and those in Malawi were jailed and some even killed.

However, with what transpired at Chinsitu, Mulanje, is anything to go by then Malawi is in for another surprise. What was supposed to be a peaceful political event and a ground for Malawians to practice their political rights turned to be a nightmare. MDF, the public service, was directed by the government to be involved in partisan politics.

Above all that, this rally was also have been called off by the UDF since the courts of law lifted off the injunctions that allowed the UDF to go with the rally. As a democratic party, UDF is well aware that going against court orders is a criminal offence and is punishable by law in any ‘democratic’ country. Instead of ruling based on the injunction, the ‘government’ went a step further to involve the neutral soldiers into politics. This shows lack of trust by the president on the judges.

Involvement of the Malawi Defense Forces to manhandle unarmed civilians (some of who were not going to attend the rally and some of who were DPP supporters) infringed the Malawians of their different human rights and freedoms. They were deprived of rights like expression, assembly and demonstration, and right to free movement within the boarders of Malawi (sections 35, 38,39). Malawians, without any search warrant were searched and denied access to use some roads in their own country for no apparent reason.

The MDF are not to blame. They were following unconstitutional orders from above. It is therefore to look at the constitution and its provision of duties to public services. Being the highest law in democratic, the constitution provides duties for any public dept/services, MDF inclusive. According to the constitution, the MDF are not supposed to take part in partisan politics. No wonder, it is not required of them to vote. Their responsibility is to make sure that Malawi is safe from invasion. Their duties, according to Chapter XVI, include upholding the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic and guard against any threat to all Malawians. It therefore follows that it was not proper to use the army on a rally which was already called off by the courts of law. Unless, if it were on a state of emergency. However, the rally, in no single way qualifies to be a state of emergency. If it were to be conducted against court orders, it was the responsibility of the courts to judge. This is where the government committed a breach the Constitution by involving the army. Their action is not inline with the “separation of power” principle of democracy.

Just as Muluzi said at the mini rally, “the army, in this country, has got a reputation [and] they should not be used to intimidate Malawians”. In all circumstances, the Malawi Army is to protect Malawians who on Sunday, the 25th of March, were manhandled. If anything, the Malawi Police was better placed to disperse people in internal matters.

Statistics show that, in almost all countries which used the army for internal partisan politics, they ended up halving an army ruled government. Nigeria is a very good example.

Having fought tooth and nail to have our hardly won democracy, it is unrealistic to run ourselves into an army state. It is therefore imperative that the “government” does not repeat this ‘mistake’. It should be clearly emphasized that Malawians, who are the sovereign rulers, have highly been deprived of their rights. Their dignity and freedom of conscious has been deprived in such that some have now negative connotation of what the army is all about. They are living in fears in their own countries and are therefore psychologically affected. The action taken by government must be desisted in all corners.

This is not good for development. It is documented in different findings by scholars that only people who are free enough have the potential to develop their societies. It is said that South Africa , USA and other developed countries are doing well in development because their people are free. Almost all poor countries, in contrast, have highest incidences of human rights abuses. NEPAD in Section 79 of its policy document acknowledges that sustainable development is impossible in a country which does not respect human rights and follow principles of good governance. How do we expect to be developed when there are many cases of breach of the constitution and human rights?

As an economic engineer, Bingu rightly knows that political instability is not a good ingredient of development and investors’ attraction. Zimbabwe is a good example. The State President must therefore apologize to all Malawians for breaking the Constitution and their human rights which are limitless. The inherent dignity and worth of each human being requires that the state and all persons, including the State President recognize and protect fundamental human rights and afford the protection to the rights of all individuals as guaranteed in Section 12 of the Republic Constitution. Section 12 further says that all persons responsible for the exercise of powers of state do so on trust and shall only exercise such powers to the extent of their lawful authority and in accordance with their responsibilities to the people of Malawi . It is therefore uncalled for to involve the army in partisan politics. Many donors and investors, just as Malawians, I believe have also been shocked over the use of the army for partisan politics. This does not send any good signal to them. This is chasing them away. We should not get surprised when they tell us that they have freezed up their funding on us for breaking democratic and developmental principles. We need them to develop, and above all we need the protection and observation of human rights in our country.

The involvement of the army only shows how afraid Bingu is of Muluzi. And his revelation of the fear has given Atcheya mangolomera oyima. He knows that someone somewhere fears him. What is also hard to believe, as already pointed out, is the use of armed soldiers on “the rally which was already called off by the courts of law having lifted off the injunction that UDF obtained”. UDF being a ‘democratic’ party, I believe it could have respected the court orders to call off the rally. One wonders therefore, how could these people crash in their ways when there was no rally to be held?

Mr. President must be advised that involvement of the Malawi Army is not the ideal way to shake Atcheya. People are watching and with this development many Malawians are now sympathetic of the UDF. If the president continues with this dictatorial authoritative rule, he need not to get surprised with the would be outcome of 2009. Apart from Atcheya “being the man of people”, the use of the army is not the best way of getting people to one’s side. No Malawian can entrust the government into the hands of a person who already signals dictatorial attributes. What Muluzi did; to have a mini rally is one of the strategic ways to coax two souls into your side; while, on the other hand, what Bingu directed is just one strategic tool of chasing two souls from your your political party for good.

In any democratic country, human rights and freedoms must be respected. Breach of human rights is an indication for the death of democracy. Politicizing constitutionally guaranteed security services in a democratic society is not on undemocratic but also criminal offence. Bingu is breaking the constitution which he swore to protect. It is also an enemy of development. This is not the ideal way to shake up Muluzi, as asserted above. With the delay in Local Government elections as guaranteed by the constitution and this development, if not impeached, then he has cases to answer when he leaves office.

Muluzi Has the Right to Bounce Back...

2007-04-16T12:01:00.001-07:00

A lot has been said about Dr. Bakili Muluzi bouncing back in 2009. Different advocates have given different views and reasons why Muluzi must bounce back or not. Those supporting his ‘idea’ to come back, like Gwanda Chakwamba, are advocating for the resurrection of Muluzi into power and rule the country because, as they assert, ‘only Muluzi can flatten the tyre he himself pumped. Muluzi is the ‘only’ person from the opposition that can ‘manage’ to bring down Bingu and ‘take back the bicycle’ since it is Muluzi who borrowed it to Bingu. Gwanda is reported to have told the rally that Bingu can only be removed from the presidency by the door he used. According to him, Muluzi is the door. “The door Mutharika used to get into statehouse is the same door he is going to use to exit. He used Muluzi to get into power so it is the same Muluzi that will bring him down…We are advocating that solidarity among opposition so that we conduct our functions with one voice”.

On the other hand, advocates who are fighting tooth and nail so that Muluzi does not bounce back, have also one important argument they are raising. They assert that ‘Muluzi has successfully ruled this country for the maximum of ‘two consecutive terms’. Referring to the Constitution of the Republic of Malawi, these advocates argue that Muluzi has no mandate to bounce back, because a president ought to rule only for two terms.

Having presented these two extremist important views, this article does not aim to take any side. This is so because most people in Malawi pursue ideas to get lid of other personalities. Those supporting Muluzi are fighting personal war to bring out Bingu. Party politics is playing the divide and rule game and dirty politicians are its players. They don’t have any good ideology why Bingu must be removed from office. Whether, Bingu would have good ideologies than the opposition in 2009, it does not matter for them. What matters is for Bingu to live the state house.

On the other hand, those against Muluzi’s idea to resurrect into office are doing so because they are personalizing the fighting. Their war is Muluzi oriented. However, by the end of this article Malawians must be able to see what path to take so that such mistakes of allowing retired presidents who have served maximum of two terms are not repeated.

What Does The Constitution Asserts About Retired Presidents Who Have Served Two Maximum Terms but Want To Bounce Back?

Since the Constitution is the supreme law, it is wise therefore to refer to it in the idea of allowing Muluzi to come back. In the first place, the Constitution in Section 83 (3) asserts that “The President, the First Vice-President and the Second Vice-President may serve in their respective capacities a maximum of two consecutive terms…” Here, the words ‘may’ and ‘consecutive’ must be underlined. On the first place, because of the word may, it means that maximum terms are subject to change since the word ‘may’ is conditional.

On the second place, the Constitution, in my opinion, just emphasizes on two consecutive terms. This follows that any president has the capacity to rule the country with many terms as they wish as long as the terms are not consecutive. Muluzi’s coming back means a third term for him, but it should not be compared to the Third Term Bill which was dealt with in 2002, since the terms don’t qualify in any capacity to be consecutive to those two terms. This means that, since Muluzi’s coming back is not consecutive to his ‘first’ two terms, it follows that Muluzi has all the capacity to bounce back in 2009. After all, it is his right to do so at present unless...
Maybe Muluzi has learned from his mistakes. After all, we have a saying that means that sometimes we learn the mistake after being substituted. May be Muluzi has learnt mistakes he was making while in office, so he wants to clear his image which turned from good to worst during his second term.

In short, the constitution does not limit terms which are not consecutive. This gives Muluzi the capacity to bounce back. Presently, it is his legal right to bounce back. But something must be done so that we have rotating leaders. Democratically, we should not be ruled by the same blood. This leads into authoritarian system of government which is an enemy of democracy.

Is there Any Democratic Principle being Broken or Followed?

If we have to follow democratic principles, then we should look beyond Muluzi’s idea to bounce back in 2009. The problem that we are having is that we are only focusing on one person. What if Muluzi came into open to say that he would not come back (unfortunately, he has already shown the colors that he is coming in 2009), then it means we would wait for another person to have served two terms and then show the interest of coming back for a third term after going through a break. Now is the time to solve the problem. Muluzi and his proponents have given Malawians a law-deal that the constitution needs great scrutiny. This only makes me asses Muluzi to be the political engineer as he claims. The problem is that we are pursuing a personal war.

Do UDF gurus support Muluzi’s Idea to Bounce Back?

Another fact that is eating democratic principles is the ‘top-down approach followed in our political parties. Party leaders are just handpicked for positions by party ‘owners’. Who can show me a political party that has leaders elected on convention and through a true ‘free and fair’ ballot? My foot; democratic Malawi without democratic political parties and leaders. Then why do we expect democratic principles to be followed when such political parties are voted into office? No mango tree can bear lemon fruits. In UDF, taking into account how undemocratic political parties in Malawi are, no-one in UDF can be against Muluzi’s wish to stand as its presidential candidate. He is the economic backbone of UDF. Possible opponents will possibly face what AKB, BJ, Sonke and others within UDF faced during the third term and open term bills in 2002. Many Malawians were young democrated in full view of the ‘non partisan’ police. There was a lot of blood shed. But that belongs in the past which is for us to learn from.

However, Malawians should now be more careful that history does not repeat itself, since a lot of people within UDF (especially presidential aspirants except Bakili Muluzi himself) have already started talking and suffering in whispers. This follows that, Muluzi being the soul donor of UDF and UDF being his personal property as we are told to believe, no person has the guts to oppose his idea of coming back. They are waiting for others to fight the battle since they know that Muluzi if forging a loosing war. Only then, they think they will be hand picked as it happened with Bingu wa Mutharika. This is making them to be silent at present.

It also follows that if they don’t support Muluzi at this time, when the plan hits a snag, they will loose support from the Atcheya and they will not be handpicked for the positions in UDF. Political parties hold conventions to blackmail people. How Mutharika was voted as UDF presidential candidate prior to 2004 elections, is a witness to this.

Muluzi has been handpicked by himself. Those supporting him are doing so for appeasement. After all, Malawi is ruled by commercial politicians and andale aganyu. They venture into politics to attain commercial benefits overnight. This is why MPs are afraid for the ‘recall provision’ and demand a lot of payments when most of them are not representing anyone apart from their parties.

Muluzi will Come Back: What is His Stand?

Muluzi is not a person who runs at saying something he wants to do. His actions speak for him. During his third term, he let people campaign for him. During that time, when advocates demanded him to come at the open, all he did was allow his proponents, during his rallies, to say that ‘Malawians’ were in need of him to go for the third term. He went a step further to abuse MBC and TVM, public institutions, by making sure that his proponents are heard castigating the opponents of the bill.

Now, he is playing the same game. He is allowing people to campaign for him. This is supplemented with what he said on his arrival from UK that it’s up to the grassroots to decide but “he might decide on coming back”. The question that must be asked is “does UDF have the grassroots that can oppose the views of Atcheya?”

Using his tone, Muluzi has ‘constructively’ shown his interest to come again in 2009. Indirectly, Muluzi revealed that Kaya wina afune kaya asafune, Muluzi ayimanso (whether one likes it or not, Muluzi has destined himself for a third term). As already asserted, action speaks louder than words for Muluzi. This is his game. He did it during the third term, open term, impeachment bills just to mention a few. Muluzi is a person who, I can confidently say that, does not truly believes in what he says. This might be one reason why people he castigated inside out, are now his pawns this time. These people include Gwanda Chakwamba, Brown Mpinganjira, etc, who he told the nation that are killers and bad people. After all they are not doing that on voluntary basis, they are gaining something. If you don’t believe, let them cross pass with each other, and you’ll believe.

He has also clearly said that “I am a man of of the people and that is how I attract throngs of people wherever I go”. This is to indicate that he is determined to come back, since he knows clearly tha the UDF ‘grassroots’ will vote him in. All in all, at the time being, Muluzi is playing his game very well. He is the political engineer, he knows his game, and plays his cards well and he is currently packing his belonging to the state house in 2009, unless…

Constitutional Rights and How to Chase Muluzi

Presently, as it has already been outlined that Muluzi has all the rights to bounce back. Muluzi can therefore be elected as a Presidential candidate for UDF, even if the convention that would do so would just be a rubber convention to black mail people. Muluzi would still have one block to get rid of. This block is all Malawians and their votes. People have all the supreme power by voting him as the state president or not. Since Section 6 asserts that “…the authority to govern derives from the people of Malawi as expressed through universal and equal suffrage in elections…” Since Muluzi, just like any other presidential candidate, will have to face the ballots, the opponents should not have to panic. However, this is not the best way because it would still be based on personal basis. It would not level the ground for the repetition of such thing for those who would want presidents to rule only for more two terms.

Additionally, this would also not level the ground since Malawian politics is regulated, not by ideologies, but by the areas/regions where the candidates come from. Why did UDF not choose AKB, or why do DDP gurus not want Goodall Gondwe for the vice president. The only sore reason is the areas from where these people come from.

Leveling the Ground for All Presidents

Before, presenting how the ground can be leveled, it would be good to clear some other mist. The idea to level the ground is not based on what some people have branded Muluzi. Some have argued that Muluzi should not be allowed to come back because he is the real problem. They say Muluzi is the root cause of divisions, confusions and political tensions which chase donors in the country with reference to impeachment bills that have been raised. Politically, it is true that Muluzi has honorably failed to assume the backseat (kukhala pakariyala) but he wants the driver’s seat where he can be ringing the bell not from the passengers’ seat. It is evident, as some have reveled, Muluzi has failed to control things from behind and he rightly knows that. This is one reason why some critics assert that, just like many other African leaders, Muluzi finds it hard to find something meaningful after his terms. According to his deeds, it’s not wrong therefore to justify that Muluzi, wrongly, thinks that the only way for him to contribute to the nation, positively or not, is for him to be the state president. This contradicts what many expect out of him like not to be involved in partisan politics as a retired head of state.

History is now repeating itself. Here is another ‘third term’ of its first kind, which at first gaze does not appear to be one. But because Muluzi has used new strategies, it is not recommended to send him away. Something must be done so that not only Muluzi, but other greedy politicians do not pursue what Muluzi is doing. What if Muluzi has been successfully persuaded of why he should not stand, then Bingu (or any other future president who would have served the ‘two consecutive terms’) does not want to listen? This would mean every Malawian would be the loser. A lot of resources meant for development would be used for campaigns. This is one reason why things must be cleared now for the benefit of the whole nation, not only for us now but also for the next generation in the future.

Strategies For Leveling The Ground
· Universal suffrage: If retired president have been voted as Presidential candidates by their respective parties, Malawians can use Section 6 of the Constitution which gives power to Malawians to choose the state President. Malawians have all powers not to vote people who have served their two maximum terms. However, as outlined that politics in Malawi is locked in the horns of regionalism, then it would mean the ground has not been fully leveled.
· Constitution Amendment
Since the constitution is supreme law, it follows that if the level has to be leveled then it is the Constitution that must be leveled. According to section 12(vi) which reads that “all institutions and persons shall observe and uphold the Constitution and the rule of Law and no institution or person shall stand above the law”, no-one would have the guts to bounce back having served two terms, even if his/her party vote him. This follows that there is a need to amend the constitution to allow only two terms. A provision on the tenure of office must be amended to mean “Presidents must serve two terms only, consecutively or not.

The ground would be cleared such that any president would not be eligible to bounce back. A lot of resources would be served from campaigns and buying of people for development. Additionally, lives would also be served because ‘third terms’ bring a lot of blood shed. The provision would give justifiable limitations to people like Muluzi on their lawful rights for the well governance of an open and democratic society (Section 12/v). This would also be inline with what Muluzi outlined that the grassroots have to decide on the presidential candidate other that him. It would also give other aspirants with great potential to develop the country the chance to rule the country and deliver. Mutharika is an example having impressed donors and many Malawians. If it were not for the failure of open and third term bills, Mutharika could be rotting somewhere.

Conclusion
It is now my plea to all advocates that we should not be fighting a war to deal with certain persons. I argue them that time is not too late, lets fight the real problem. The problem here is not Muluzi, but our constitution allows him to bounce back. Let’s therefore clear our constitution that any president to have served two terms is not eligible to bounce back. I therefore urge all friends of democracy in Malawi to advocate for the amendment of Section 83.

I also recommend that the Malawi Law Commission, the Constitution Review Committee, all Malawians, and any other well wishers to hold hands together and level the ground for any president. This can only be achieved when Section 83 is amended to limit presidential terms into two, consecutively or not. This would prove that the war being pursued is not aimed at bringing Bakili Muluzi down by not allowing him for the ‘third term’, but at making democracy in Malawi mature. It is never too late, our democracy is young, and we are in the route of learning.

It should also be outline clearly that the idea for Muluzi to bounce back is endangering development of the nation. This is becase a lot of political confrotation has risen.There is great is now great focus in issues to do with politics not development. Focus of our leaders has been removed dramatically from development. Each day, there great rivarly between our leaders is reported, in such that the rift valley between Muluzi and Bingu keeps enlarging. Invetably, donors and invetors are chased with these political confrotation because Malawi is not at peace even in the absence of war

It, therefore, follows that Malawians who the republic constitution asserts that have the supreme power are losers. They are used as pawns. Something must be done to clear up the mess now or never…

Muluzi Has the Right to Bounce Back...

2007-04-16T12:01:00.000-07:00